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Jack The Rapper Gibson

Negro-Appeal Radio Stations Using a Rhythm-and-Blues Music Format, 1947-1963
 
by Jack L. Ortizano Communication Arts Department Franciscan University of Steubenvillle Steubenville, Ohio
43952
 
ABSTRACT
 
The rhythm-and-blues radio format was one of the first segmented formats to succeed during the time when
television was replacing network radio as the nation's foremost mass medium, 1947-1963. A variation of so-called
"Negro-appeal; radio," the format featured black radio announcers who played recordings of rhythm-and-blues
music aimed at a primarily black audience. This research paper examines some of the leading radio stations that
were pioneers in employing the rhythm-and-blues radio format.They included southern stations such as WDIA in
Memphis and WERD in Atlanta, Midwestern stations such as WCHB in Detroit and WBEE in Chicago,
Northeastern stations such as WOOK in Washington, D.C., and WLIB in New York City, and Western stations
such as KDIA in Oakland-San Francisco and KGFJ in Los Angeles. The study briefly describes some of the disc
jockey personalities, programming policies and economic factors that made the stations successful in their own right
as well as establishing a precedent that led to the emergence of the highly successful rock 'n' roll and Top-40
formats that followed.
* * *
The rhythm-and-blues format was introduced by "Negro-appeal" radio stations that catered to the needs and
musical preferences of black listeners. It was among the first segmented, non-network, formats that prospered
during the early years of television_the late 1940s and 1950s. Although the video medium contributed to the decline
of live network-radio broadcasting, it also influenced the growth of locally based radio stations that featured
pre-recorded, musical programming. Rhythm-and-blues radio served as a model among these locally based formats.
It not only was very successful in its own right, it also provided the groundwork for the development of mainstream
rock music and the enormously popular Top-40 format that emerged during the late 1950s. The main attribute of
rhythm-and-blues radio was rhythm-and-blues music, a genre that flourished during the period between the end of
World War II and the onset of the Vietnam War.1 The music offered raucous instrumental tunes with screeching
saxophones that made the listener want to get up and dance. It also was characterized by slower, romantic love
songs performed by vocalists who sang in an intimate, heartfelt style. And it featured fast-paced vocal recordings
with a "big beat" that conveyed enthusiasm, joy and vitality. The music's spirit was youthful, urban and modern. Its
singers, distinguishably black, performed with more involvement than pop, more worldliness than gospel and more
emphasis on vocal technique than jazz. Yet, rhythm and blues unquestionably borrowed much from all three of these
music forms.2 The format followed in the tradition of the disc-jockey programs on mainstream radio that had been
popularized by Martin Block on his Make Believe Ballroom," which relied on pre-recorded material instead of live
performances.3 But unlike "Make Believe Ballroom," its music was primarily by and for black Americans. In the
late 1940s, much of the earliest rhythm-and-blues programming was broadcast in small segments. For example, a
radio station would try to attract a wider audience by adding a nightly rhythm-and-blues show to its schedule. Or, an
enterprising individual could purchase an hour of air time on a local station for the purpose of featuring rhythm and
blues. Stations with a full-time commitment to rhythm and blues did not surface until the music had already acquired
a large audience. Eventually, however, station managers in cities with substantial black populations were
encouraged to build an entire format around their audiences' increasing demand for rhythm and blues. This study
examines the principal Negro-appeal stations that broadcast the rhythm-and-blues format between 1947 and 1963.
These stations, grouped by region, were among the forerunners of all radio outlets with formats that aimed at a
specific, demographically defined audience. The South The reality of a full-time, Negro-appeal radio station was
born at WDIA in Memphis. A station that previously had broadcast classical music, it was purchased by white
entrepreneurs Bert Ferguson and John R. Pepper on June 7, 1947. The 250-watt station began broadcasting as a
full-time Negro-appeal outlet on October 25, 1948.4 Ferguson and Pepper wanted a black person to be the guiding
force behind WDIA. They chose Nat D. Williams, a former high school teacher, to serve as their chief adviser.5
Williams structured WDIA's initial programming schedule with a collection of short, music programs. These included
a daily, fifteen-minute segment featuring blues singer "Sonny Boy" Williamson.6 To satisfy the religious needs of
WDIA's audience, Williams scheduled gospel recordings played by hosts Ford Nelson and Theo "Bless My Bones"
Wade. Live religious programming included music performed by Negro-appeal Radio preacher "Gatemouth"
Moore and Sunday services from a local black church.7 In short order, Nat D. Williams developed an extraordinary
roster of talented, full-time disc jockeys. They included Riley "B.B." King, Rufus Thomas, A. C. Williams, Maurice
Hulbert and Martha Jean Steinberg.8 King made his debut in 1949 as an unpaid host of a ten-minute blues show. On
the air, he advertised Pepticon health tonic and plugged his live musical appearances at the Sixteenth Street Grill in
West Memphis. He was earning $25 a week for his solo act at the Grill and perhaps royalty payments from his local
hits that year on the Bulleit label.9 Station owner Ferguson used King to record a catchy jingle for Pepticon health
elixir: "Pepticon, Pepticon, sure is good. You can get it anywhere in your neighborhood." Before long, King's radio
duties were lengthened as his stature grew as both a blues performer and a station personality. He was assigned a
regular-length disc jockey shift for his "Sepia Swing Club," where he played records and performed live using his
nickname "Beale Street Blues Boy." King's nickname was shortened to "Blues Boy" and then shortened again to
become his famous stage initials, "B.B." King.10 After switching record companies to the Bihari Brothers' RPM
label, King performed songs that reached number one on Billboard's rhythm-and-blues charts for each of the next
four years_"Three O'Clock Blues" in 1951, "You Know I Love You" in 1952, "Please Love Me" in 1953 and "You
Upset Me Baby" in 1954. By then, King had left the disc jockey trade to pursue his musical career on a full-time
basis. In 1950, Rufus Thomas joined WDIA's announcing team. He was a veteran singer, comedian and dancer who
had begun performing years earlier with the Rabbit Foot Minstrels and the Harlem-in-Havana Troupe minstrel
company. In high school, he studied history under Nat D. Williams and had since replaced him as the host of
amateur nights at Memphis' Palace Theater. When WDIA expanded its daily schedule in 1954, Thomas began doing
a nightly blues and rhythm-and-blues program called "Hoot 'n' Holler." He always opened his shows with this
rhyme: I'm young and loose, and full of juice. I've got the goose, so what's the use? We're feeling gay, though we
ain't got a dollar. So let's all get together and hoot 'n' holler!11 Like King, Thomas recorded a song that climbed to
number one on the national rhythm-and-blues chart. But Thomas did not record "Do the Push and Pull, Part 1" until
1970. His biggest hit during the 1950s was "Bear Cat," a song that climbed to number three on Billboard's chart in
1953. Disc jockeys A. C. Williams and Maurice Hulbert had attracted the attention of Nat D. Williams when he was
teaching at a Memphis high school. A. C. "Moohah" Williams became the host of blues programs "Saturday Night
Fish Fry" and "Wheeling on Beale." He also worked as host of a gospel program, "Delta Melodies" and a
live-performance show, "Teen Town Revue." But it was the other former teacher, "Hot Rod" Hulbert, who was
destined to become one of the most popular and influential disc jockeys in the history of radio. The essence of
versatility, Hulbert began his day at WDIA as the dignified host of a morning gospel program, "Tan Town Jubilee."
At 10 o'clock, Hulbert adopted a romantic persona to emcee "Sweet Talkin' Time," a precursor of the 1980s "Quiet
Storm" format. Then came his transformation into the famous "Hot Rod," the electrifying host of WDIA's evening
"Sepia Swing Club."12 Martha Jean Steinberg was among the first female disc jockeys to earn a living in
rhythm-and-blues radio. She was brought to the station to follow in the footsteps of Willa Monroe, who did the
announcing for various feature programs that had been popular among WDIA's women listeners. But, as former
WDIA disc jockey Louis Cantor recalled, Steinberg was altogether different: Although the station 's original
intention in adding another woman announcer after Willa Monroe may have been to appeal to more females, both
the Nite Spot and Premium Stuff_with Martha Jean as the host_could hardly be described as programs pitched to
the women in the audience. No way! Her sultry voice and double entendres sent out unambiguous messages, leaving
little doubt about which gender she was attempting to attract. In case the males missed the more subtle aural signals
on the evening Night Spot, the very title of Martha Jean's Saturday noon show, Premium Stuff, drove the point
home.13 Steinberg, whose maiden name was Jones, had married a Jewish horn player and was already a part of the
music scene when she began working for WDIA in 1949. She was billed as "The Queen sponsored by the King of
Beers, Budweiser."14 Steinberg subsequently moved on to still greater fame as a disc jockey in Detroit. Nat D.
Williams played rhythm and blues at WDIA from its inception in 1948. As the station's chief announcer, he was the
host of a morning show called how called "Tan Town Coffee" and an afternoon program titled "Tan Town
Jamboree."15 In 1981, Williams discussed how he handled records containing double-entendre lyrics while adhering
to the station's policy of remaining within the boundaries of good taste. "We came up with the idea of giving them
some blues," he said. "And then we had to clean them up because some of them were . . . well_suggestive. And the
way I cleaned them up was, when they got to be suggestive, I'd just start talking."16 Though white-owned, WDIA
became highly respected for its public service to the city 's black community. In keeping with its commitment to
service, WDIA appointed A. C. Williams as its public relations director and acquired a reputation as "Mother
Station of the Negroes." In his biography of "B.B." King, Charles Sawyer describes some of WDIA's benevolent
activities: The station became more than an outlet for black music and a medium for advertisers to reach black
markets; it became a clearing house for black community affairs. Not infrequently, long-lost relatives of Memphis
families would appear at WDIA offices, asking the station to announce their arrival over the air so that their
families, who they could not find at old addresses, would call in and give their new location. Lost-children and
lost-pet announcements were a routine feature, given like time and temperature readings.17 One of WDIA's most
famous innovations was its annual "GoodwiIl Revue." Since their inception in 1949, these live shows featured
performances by famous rhythm-and-blues and gospel singers for the benefit of needy black children. The quality of
the acts that appeared at the reviews is illustrated by the stellar performers on hand for the 1956 show, which raised
funds for a children's home. The talent that year included Ray Charles, "B.B." King and the Moonglows.18 The
combination of goodwill, superb air personalities and a rhythm-and-blues format enabled WDIA to prosper
throughout the early 1950s. Its high point occurred in 1954, when the station's new transmitter began sending out
50,000 watts of rhythm and blues on a twenty-four hour daily schedule. By 1957, Ferguson and Pepper were able to
sell WDIA to the Sonderling station group for reportedly $1 million. At the time, the station's annual profits were
more than $100,000, which did not include the generous salaries extracted by its two co-owners.19 Another
significant "first" in the South was black-owned WERD in Atlanta. The 900-watt station was purchased in 1949 by
accountant Jesse B. Blayton and his son for $50,000. By 1951, WERD employed twenty-two workers including six
white people. Moreover, contrary to what might have been expected of a Negro-appeal station in a Southern city, its
audience was reportedly 20 percent white.20 Known as "The Good Word Station," WERD presented newscasts
based on material in Atlanta's black newspaper, The Daily World. Its public affairs programming also included daily
news commentary from William Boyd, a professor at Atlanta University.21 On the music side, WERD played all
types of music, from pop to classical, before ultimately settling on a rhythm-and-blues format. Former WERD disc
jockey Jack Gibson told writer Nelson George about the exaltation he felt as part of America 's first black-owned
station. "I'm proud to have been the jock who flipped the switch at 6 a.m. on a brisk October morning in 1949 and
greeted the day with a hearty 'Good morning, Atlanta! We are here!'" he said.22 Atlanta eventually had two more
stations featuring rhythm and blues, WGST and WAOK. Another early black-owned, Negro-appeal station was
WSOK in Nashville, Tennessee. Launched in 1951. it was owned by a corporation that included black shareholders,
thereby qualifying as a "black-owned" station.23 Nashville 's black disc jockeys had unforgettable names such as
Lee "Blabber Mouth" Dorms, "Long, Tall, Lean" Larry Dean Faulkner, Bill "Bouncin' with Billy" Powell and
Charles "Club Buggs" Scruggs.24 They competed for the area 's rhythm-and-blues audience with the white disc
jockeys at Nashville's 50,000-watt WLAC, the station that gave America the famous trio of Bill "Hoss" Allen, Gene
Nobles and "John R." Richbourg. Beginning in the late 1940s, WLAC's strong signal helped its disc jockeys to
cultivate a following among rhythm-and-blues fans throughout the country, who picked up the station during the
late-night hours. Radio historian Wes Smith wrote of WLAC's Richbourg, "In the 1950s at the height of his
popularity, which mirrored that of rhythm-and-blues music, as many as 15 million people listened to his show each
night."25 Another white Tennesseean with a large audience was Dewey Phillips at WHBG in Memphis. He is
enshrined in radio history for initiating Elvis Presley's rise to stardom by playing the singer's new release of "It 's
All Right" thirty times in one night during 1954.26 His signature line, which he repeated at the end of his
commercials, was "Tell 'em Phillips sencha."27 The Baltimore-Washington, D.C., area was another stronghold of
rhythm-and-blues radio. Its leading stations were WEBB and WSID in Baltimore, and WOOK and WUST in
Washington. WOOK, established in 1947, had the distinction of presenting Hal Jackson, radio's first full-time black
announcer. At first, his role was so unusual that a white listener, not realizing that Jackson was black, called the
station to complain that it was broadcasting too much "jig music."28 Founded by Richard Eaton, WOOK was an
innovator in using market-research data. For example, the station's advertisements called attention to census
reports demonstrating that Washington's nonwhite population had increase substantially during the 1950s. In fact,
the proportion of nonwhites had grown from 35 percent in 1950 to 53 percent in 1959, easily the highest nonwhite
ratio of any metropolitan area in the United States.29 In 1959, greater Washington's 635,500 black residents ranked
sixth nationally surpassed only by the black populations of New York City, Chicago, Philadelphia, Los Angeles and
Detroit.30 Building on these statistics, WOOK created a complete marketing presentation describing "the richest,
most responsive, buying Negro market in the country."31 In 1960, WOOK commissioned Pulse to perform a market
study of black residents in the nation's capital. The study found that 20 percent of Washington's black families had
checking accounts, 40 percent had charge accounts and more than 66 percent had been living in the area for at least
fifteen years.32 Three years later, WOOK informed all who would listen that while the nation's median income for
black families was $3,233, Washington's black families averaged $4,423 with a quarter of them employed with
steady jobs in the government. In addition, most of Washington 's black families were young and eager to buy
consumer goods.33 These numbers encouraged so many sponsors that in 1963 the company launched WOOK-TV,
the nation's first black-oriented television station.34 In all, the following southern radio stations presented a
substantial amount of Negro-appeal programming during the 1950s:35 Alabama: Birmingham_WBCO, WEDR,
WENN, WJLD Mobile_WGOK, WMOZ Selma_WHBB Tuscaloosa_WTUG Arkansas: Little Rock_KOKY
District of Columbia: Washington_WOOK, WUST Florida: Jacksonville_WOBS, WRHC Miami_WFEC Miami
Beach_WMBM Pensacola_WBOP Georgia: Atlanta_WAOK, WERD, WGST Augusta_WAUG Columbus_WCLS,
WOKS Macon_WCRY Kentucky: Louisville_WLOU Louisiana: Baton Rouge_WXOK New Orleans_WBOK,
WNOE, WYLD Shreveport_KANB, KOKA Maryland: Annapolis_WANN Baltimore_WEBB, WSID Mississippi:
Jackson_WOKJ Meridian_WQIC North Carolina: Charlotte_WGIV Durham_WSRC Fayetteville_WFAI
Winston-Salem_WAAA South Carolina: Charleston_WPAL Columbia_WOIC Greenville_WFBC Tennessee:
Chattanooga_WMFS Jackson_WJAK Memphis_WDIA, WHBG, WLOK Nashville_WLAC, WVOL Texas:
Beaumont_KJET Houston_KCOH, KYOK Tyler_KZEY Virginia: Norfolk_WRAP Richmond_WANT West
Virginia: Beckley_WWAR All of these stations employed black disc jockeys, although in the earliest days of the
rhythm-and-blues format many Southern stations preferred using white disc jockeys to play music for their black
listeners. In 1951, a Billboard article proclaimed, "Numerous Dixie outlets have added Negro personnel in the past
year or so, and these stations report no friction among members of their mixed staffs." The article cited integrated
personnel at Winston-Salem's WAAA, Memphis' WDIA, Birmingham's WEDR, Atlanta's WERD and New Orleans'
WMRY.36 The Midwest In the Midwest, greater Detroit 's WCHB became the first black-owned, Negro-appeal
station when a local dentist named Harley Bell purchased the station in 1956. Bell's program director, Larry Dean
Faulkner, recruited a distinguished crew of disc jockeys including "Joltin" Joe Howard from Houston, Martha Jean
"The Queen" Steinberg from Memphis and George White from Cincinnati.37 Howard, whose voice was the first
one heard on WCHB, had been doing his "Beehive" show at Houston's KNUZ since 1953.38 Despite its talented
disc jockeys, however, WCHB operated at a financial loss and was reportedly $100,000 in debt at the decade's
end.39 By that time, Howard had joined "Senator" Bristoe Bryant and "Frantic" Ernie Durham to form "The Three
Disc-A-Teers" at Detroit's other rhythm-and-blues station, WJLB.40 Chicago was another important center of
rhythm-and-blues radio. It was there that Jack L. Cooper and Al Benson developed the brokerage system into a fine
art. Their shows filled large blocks of radio time that they purchased from various Chicago stations. They also
employed "satellite" disc jockeys to work the hours that they could not handle personally. Cooper 's brokerage
interests grew from one hour on a single station in 1930 to forty-seven hours a week on four Chicago radio stations
in 1947. Meanwhile, Benson was on his way to becoming one of the most innovative and successful disc jockeys in
rhythm-and-blues radio. By 1948, Benson had already saturated Chicago 's air waves with ten hours a day of
Negro-appeal programming on WBEE, WGES, WAAF, WAIT and WJJD. He also bought air time on Indiana
stations WWCA in Gary and WIMS in Michigan City.41 Chicago's first Negro-appeal station was WBEE. Under its
corporate structure, WBEE's sales executives sold advertising time directly to sponsors and hired disc jockeys. The
same thing occurred at WGES in 1963 when the MacLendon Corporation of Dallas purchased the station and
summarily replaced the brokers with salaried disc jockeys. This terminated the satellite era, a situation that
severely diminished the income of Chicago 's more enterprising disc jockeys.42 Chicago's rhythm-and-blues stations
had a tremendous impact on the city 's radio audience, especially in predominantly black neighborhoods. Singer
Johnny Keyes of the Magnificents recalled the impression made by his group's mentor, disc Jockey Nathaniel
"Magnificent" Montague: Howard "Moo Moo" Miller was the morning giant on WMAQ until the "magnificent"
one hit town and changed WAAF's morning sound. "Moo Moo" would blast the air waves with a "killer" by Mitch
Miller. Montague would open up early in the morning with Buddy and Ella Johnson, followed by organ music played
softly and sweetly underneath poetry recited into the microphone. This would segue into Ray Charles singing
"Drown in My Own Tears." "Moo Moo's" morning drive domination was no more.43 Besides Chicago and Detroit,
the Midwest's other major Negro-appeal stations were in Cincinnati, Cleveland and St. Louis. Overall, these
stations were the leading rhythm-and-blues outlets in the Midwest: Illinois: Chicago_WBEE, WGES East St.
Louis_WAMV Indiana: Gary_WGRY Indianapolis_WGEE Michigan: Detroit_WCHB, WJLB Missouri: Kansas
City_KCKN St. Louis, KATZ_KXLW Ohio: Cincinnati_WCIN Cleveland_WABQ, WERE, WJW
Columbus_WVKO Wisconsin: Milwaukee_WMIL Audiences in large Midwestern cities, such as Chicago and
Detroit, had access to stations that broadcast rhythm and blues on a full-time schedule. In other areas, including
Indianapolis, Kansas City and Milwaukee, local stations featured rhythm and blues only part of the time. The
Northeast In the Northeast, the first full-time, Negro-appeal radio station in metropolitan New York City was
actually located in New Jersey. During 1954, Rollins Broadcasting Company purchased 5,000-watt WNJR in
Newark from the Newark News for a reported $140, 000. The station broadcast nineteen hours a day of rhythm and
blues, gospel, news and sports_all geared toward a black audience.44 Billboard magazine announced that WNJR
was building an all-black staff of disc jockeys that included Ramon Bruce, Babs Gonzales, Charlie Green, George
Hudson, Hal Jackson and Hal Wade.45 The station also broadcast three taped versions of programs with prominent
white disc jockeys. The tapes featured Alan Freed from Cleveland, Hunter Hancock from California and Zenas
"Daddy" Sears from Atlanta.46 Ramon Bruce, who also worked at Newark's WAAT and Philadelphia's WHAT, is
remembered for making public appearances clad in black Bermuda shorts and white knee socks.47 His attire could
have been the inspiration for two popular 1950s songs, "Bermuda Shorts" by the Delroys and "Knee Socks" by the
Ideals. Across the Hudson River from Newark, the distinction of being the first Negro-appeal station to broadcast
from within New York City belonged to WLIB. Specializing in minority and foreign-language programming, WLIB
had been entertaining its black listeners since the late 1940s. During its earlier years, WLIB produced programs in
several languages including Yiddish, Polish and Spanish. In fact, WLIB's print advertisements in the late 1950s still
gave top billing to its Jewish programming. The advertisements stated that WLIB was "geared to reach the more
than two-and-a-half million English-speaking Jewish people" and "the more than one million Negro people" in the
New York area. The advertising copy also noted that WLIB was the first station to broadcast "Jewish-American
themes . . . Hebrew and Israeli music, news and special features . . . of interest to all Jewish Americans." This was
followed with the announcement, "For the Negro people WLIB features top Negro talent, music, local news, Negro
sports roundup, plus community programs and special features."48 WLIB eventually expanded its Negro-appeal
schedule to feature "Negro time" from 6:30 a.m. to noon and from 5:30 p.m. to its varying sign-off times in the
evening. In between, it scheduled "Anglo-Jewish Time" from 4 to 5:30 p.m. The station's Negro-appeal
programming included Hal Jackson's "House that Jack Built," Lloyd Williams's "Harlem Serenade," Charles
Campbell's "Community News" and Larry Fuller's "Gospel Train."49 By the end of the decade, WLIB had adopted
a rhythm-and-blues format that devoted 93 percent of its broadcast time to Negro-appeal programming.
Broadcasting at a modest 1,000-watts, it relocated to the Hotel Theresa on Seventh Avenue to become the only
commercial radio station with studios in Harlem. An advertisement in the 1960 Radio Annual boasted that WLIB
had "more Negro listeners than any New York station." It added, "WLIB is the first New York station broadcasting
Negro community news and special events on a regularly scheduled basis_every hour and every half hour."50
WLIB went on to distinguish itself as a Peabody Award-winning resource of New York's black community.51 Other
Negro-appeal broadcasters serving New York City included WEVD, WHOM, WOV and WWRL. At first, these
stations shared the city's entire rhythm-and-blues audience. But in the late 1950s, they encountered a challenge
from a source that would have been unthinkable during the early days of rhythm and blues. The new competition
came from general market radio The first of New York City' s mainstream stations to have a major impact was
WINS. An all-white announcing staff played the top hits of the day regardless of genre, including rhythm and blues.
Former WINS program director Rick Sklar recalled, "The new WINS hit the air in September of 1957 with sharp
jingles, screaming contests and promotions, and Top Forty music. The city had never heard anything like it."52 The
biggest coup scored by WINS was the acquisition of disc jockey Alan Freed. The station's management wisely
permitted the former Clevelander to deviate from the station's playlist and choose his own material. For the most
part, Freed disdained white cover records and played original versions of rhythm-and-blues hits for his largely white
audience. When the show created a sensation and drew nationwide publicity, disc jockeys throughout the country
tried to duplicate Freed's success by playing authentic rhythm and blues, thereby destroying the market for white
cover records.53 The ascension of WINS encouraged many imitators to compete for Top-40 supremacy in New
York City. These stations included WABC, WMCA and WMGM. Meanwhile, in upstate New York, a profusion of
radio stations played rhythm and blues. In Buffalo, the competition included WEBR, 50,000-watt WKBW, WUFO
and WWOL In a few cases, the Negro-appeal stations actively pursued a following among white listeners. In 1957,
one of these stations was described by Time magazine as "possibly the loudest and zaniest radio station in the
U.S.A." The station was WILY in Pittsburgh, a station whose white listeners outnumbered its black listeners by a
three-to-one margin. In an attempt to distance itself from its former reputation as a Negro-appeal station, WILY
changed its call letters to WEEP and promoted itself as a general market station. This entailed replacing all but one
of its black personalities with white disc jockeys. The lone exception was "Sir" Walter Raleigh, who later left the
station to join Pittsburgh 's Negro-appeal WAMO. Raleigh was a favorite among Pittsburgh 's black disc jockeys
because of his pseudo-British patter. He would entertain his audience by saying, "Well, chaps, that 's the way the
mop flops. Lads . . . we 're feeling rather geometric this afternoon. Yes, indeedy, we have happy sounds; a jolly good
show."54 In eastern Pennsylvania, Philadelphia had competing Negro-appeal stations in WDAS and WHAT. This
area produced some of the country 's most popular rhythm-and-blues disc jockeys, including Douglas "Jocko"
Henderson and George Woods. These Northeastern stations were among the region's leaders in broadcasting
rhythm and blues: New Jersey: Newark_WNJR New York: Buffalo_WEBR, WKBW, WUFO, WWOL New York
City_WEVD, WHOM, WLIB, WOV, WWRL Pennsylvania: Philadelphia_WDAS, WHAT Pittsburgh_WAMO,
WHOD, WILY Outside of the Middle Atlantic sector, there were few Negro-appeal stations in the Northeast. New
Englanders either tried to receive New York stations on their radios or had to settle for the rhythm and blues
included in other formats. The Far West Nearly all of the Negro-appeal radio activity in the West was in California.
Its three major rhythm-and-blues stations were KDIA in Oakland-San Francisco, KSAN in San Francisco, and
KGFJ in Los Angeles. The latter had a racially integrated announcing staff throughout the 1950s and early 1960s.
Its line-up included Herman Griffith, Hunter Hancock, Johnny Magnus, former Chicagoan Nathaniel "Magnificent"
Montague, Jim Randolph, Charles Trammell and Jim Wood. Hancock, one of the most historically important West
Coast disc jockeys, worked for other Southern California stations besides KGFJ. A white disc jockey, he began
playing "race" records during the 1940s on KFVD in Los Angeles. Two other disc jockeys from the early days of
rhythm and blues were Joe Adams and Dick "Huggie Boy" Hugg. Adams, who worked for KOWL in Santa Barbara
during World War II, may have been the first disc jockey to play rhythm and blues in Southern California.55 Hugg,
who was a teen-ager when he performed his late-night show on KRKD, did many of his programs live from John
Dolphin's record shop in Hollywood.56 Other prominent West Coast disc jockeys who played rhythm and blues
during the 1950s included Jackie Ford at KSAN in San Francisco, live-show promoter Gene Norman at KLAC in
Los Angeles and both Dave Polk and Johnny Otis at KFOX in Los Angeles.57 Later, during the 1960s,
ultra-high-power "border radio" stations from Mexico could be heard throughout the Southwest during the
late-night hours. Through the years, these border stations have continued to specialize in 1950s rhythm and blues.
For instance, Dick Hugg was still broadcasting vintage rhythm and blues during the 1980s at border station XEM in
Monterey.58 But back in the 1950s, rhythm-and-blues fans in the West who lived outside of Los Angeles or San
Francisco were lucky if they could find a station that handled the music on a part-time basis. Aside from KDIA,
KGFJ and KSAN, all of the following stations featured Negro-appeal programming on a part-time schedule only:
Arizona: Phoenix_KCAC California: Berkeley_KRE Fresno_KGST Long Beach_KGER Los Angeles_KGFJ
Napa_KVON San Francisco-Oakland_KDIA, KSAN San Gabriel_KALI San Rafael_KTIM Nevada: Las
Vegas_KLAS Reno_KENO New Mexico: Hobbs_KWEW Oregon: Portland_KWJJ Washington: Seattle_KTW In
the late-1950s, rhythm and blues also was an important part of the programming at rock-'n'-roll and Top-40 radio
stations in this region. Conclusion In the years following WDIA's debut in 1948, the concept of Negro-appeal radio
spread to almost every sizable radio market in the country. Only six years after WDIA's entrance into the Memphis
market, Sponsor magazine 's 1954 Buyer's Guide to Negro-appeal radio listed 374 such stations. In 1959, Sponsor's
roster totaled 832 without taking into account a larger number of stations that were giving air time to rhythm and
blues on derivative formats such as rock 'n' roll and Top-40.59 The success of rhythm-and-blues radio demonstrated
that the radio medium could survive despite competition from television. The emphasis shifted, however, from mass
coverage by network radio to segmented formats that appealed to specific groups with particular tastes. As a
consequence, many specialized formats were able to replicate the success of rhythm-and-blues radio. These formats
included rock 'n' roll, Top-40, country-and-western and soul music, the latter a successor of rhythm-and-blues radio
that emerged during the mid-1960s.
# # #
NOTES 1. Classic rhythm and blues, originally called "race music," thrived during this period. Billboard magazine
originated its "race" and rhythm and blues" popularity charts in 1945. The publication discontinued its
rhythm-and-blues charts in November 1963 because the editors felt that the music had been absorbed by the era's
pop music, which was being played on Top-40 radio stations. Billboard covered the entire Top-40 spectrum in its
"Hot 100" chart. By the time Billboard resurrected its R&B chart in 1965, the focus of black popular music had
changed from classic rhythm and blues to the newer genre called "soul." Despite the change, "rhythm and blues"
continued to be used as a generic phrase that referred to any kind of music that was popular among black audiences.
See Joel Whitburn, Joel Whitburn's Top R&B Singles, 1942-1988 (Menomonee Falls, Wisc.: Record Research,
1988), 13-15. 2. For a description of rhythm-and-blues music, see Lynn Ellis McCutcheon, Rhythm and Blues: An
Experience and Adventure in its Origins and Development (Arlington, Va.: Beatty, 1971). For information about
rhythm-and-blues recordings, see Big Al Pavlow, The R & B Book: A Disc-History of Rhythm and Blues
(Providence, R.I.: Music House, 1983). 3. For information about the "Make Believe Ballroom" format, see Robert
G. White Jr., "Martin Block and WNEW: The Rise of the Recorded Music Radio Format 1934-1954" (Ph.D. diss.,
Bowling Green State University, 1981). 4. WDIA in Memphis is the subject of Louis Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale:
How WDIA-Memphis Became the Nation's First All-Black Radio Station and Created the Sound that Changed
America (New York: Pharos, 1992). Also see William Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," chap. in
Jannette L. Dates and William Barlow, eds., Split Image: African Americans in the Mass Media (Washington, D.C.:
Howard University, 1990), 209-12; and Wes Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll: Radio Deejays of the 50s and
60s (Marietta. Ga: Longstreet, 1989), 124-29. 5. Nat D. Williams also worked as a columnist for The Memphis
World newspaper, where he once wrote that WDIA's owners were more motivated by profit than sympathy for black
people. See Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 210. 6. Charles Sawyer, The Arrival of B.B. King
(New York: Da Capo, 1980), 62. 7. Theo "Bless My Bones" Wade acquired his unusual nickname when he
accidentally spilled hot coffee on himself during a broadcast. He exclaimed, "Doggone, bless my bones, I knocked
over my coffee." See Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 100. 8. Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 210-11.
9. "B.B." King's 1949 hits for the Tennessee-based Bulleit label included "I Got the Blues" and "When Your Baby
Packs Up and Goes." Bulleit recorded many prominent black performers including Cecil Gant, Wynonie Harris,
Guitar Slim and Roosevelt Sykes. 10. Sawyer, The Arrival of B.B. King, 62-64 11. Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 134;
and Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 128-29. Part of the rhyme is adapted from the lyrics to the record
"Loose As a Goose" by Cecil Gant, the flip side of a 1946 regional hit called "Nashville Jumps." 12. Nelson
George, The Death of Rhythm and Blues (New York: Pantheon, 1988), 49. 13. Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 92. 14.
Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 126. 15. George, Death of Rhythm and Blues, 49. 16. Margaret McKee
and Fred Chisenhall, Beale Street Black and Blue (Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University), 94, cited in
Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 210. 17. Sawyer, The Arrival of B.B. King, 61. 18. "Notes from
the R.&B. Beat," Billboard, Dec. 1954; reprinted in Galen Gart, ed., First Pressings: The History of Rhythm and
Blues, Vol. 4, 1954 (Milford, N.H.: Big Nickel, 1990), 129; and "Station WDIA's Goodwill Revue Skedding Another
Bill of Top Talent," Billboard, 1 Dec. 1956; reprinted in Galen Gart, ed., First Pressings: The History of Rhythm
and Blues, Vol. 6, 1956 (Milford, N.H.: Big Nickel, 1991), 150. 19. Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 149. 20. Erik
Barnouw, The Golden Web: A History of Broadcasting in the United States (New York: Oxford University, 1968),
289. 21. Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 213. 22. George, Death of Rhythm and Blues, 44-45. 23.
Barnouw, The Golden Web, 289. 24. Jack Gibson, "Black Trivia," Jack the Rapper, 10 Apr. 1991, 24. 25. Smith,
The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 108. 26. Ibid., 77. 27. Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 165. 28. Bernard E. Garnett,
How Soulful is "Soul" Radio? (Nashville, Tenn: Race Relations Information Center, 1970), 9, cited in R. Dwight
Bachman, Dynamics of Black Radio: A Research Report (Washington, D.C.: Creative Universal Products, Inc.,
1977), 13; and "Spinners Capture Big White Audience" Ebony, Dec. 1947, 49. 29. U. S. Bureau of the Census, U. S
.Census of the Population: 1950, vol. 2, Characteristics of the Population, Part I, United States Summary
(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1953), 138-39; and U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of the
Population: 1960, vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population, Part I, United States Summary (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1964), 176-78. 30. "Negro Population in 47 U.S. Cities," Sponsor, 26 Sept. 1960, 20.
31. "Negro 'Voice ' is Heard," Sponsor, 26 Aug. 1963, 10. 32. "Their Community Roots Are Spreading," Sponsor, 9
Oct. 1961, 37. 33. "Negro 'Voice' is Heard," 10. 34. See "WOOK-TV Is Flourishing with 100% Negro Schedule,"
Sponsor, 26 Aug. 1963, 15-16, 20. 35. The lists in this chapter were based, in part, on Sponsor's annual "Negro
Station Profiles." Also see a 1959 list of stations that offered Negro-appeal programming at least 50 percent of the
time, "Negro Station Programming," Sponsor, 26 Sept. 1959, 36-38. 36. Billboard, 24 Feb. 1951; reprinted in Galen
Gart, ed., First Pressings: The History of Rhythm and Blues, Vol. 2, 1950-1951 (Milford, N.H.: Big Nickel, 1986),
553. 37. Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 214. 38. Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 135-36.
39. Cora Selman-Earnest, "Black Owned Radio and Television Stations in the United States from 1950-1982: A
Descriptive Study" (Ph.D. diss., Wayne State University, 1985), 86. 40. WJLB advertisement in Sponsor, 26 Sept.
1960, 37. 41. Richard S. Kahlenberg, "Negro Radio," The Negro History Bulletin 29, no. 6, (March 1966), 128.
Although Al Benson performed on WAAF in Chicago, it should be noted that this was a station that did not use a
rhythm-and-blues format. WAAF chose to broadcast jazz and adult-oriented music for its older, middle-class black
audience. For a comprehensive analysis of Chicago 's Negro-appeal radio, see Norman W. Spaulding, "The History
of Black-Oriented Radio in Chicago, 1929-1963" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1981). 42. Kahlenberg, "Negro
Radio," 142; and Spaulding, "History of Black-Oriented Radio in Chicago, 1929-1963," 49-50. 43. Johnny Keyes,
Du-Wop (Chicago: Vesti, 1987), 28. 44. Arnold Passman, The Deejays (New York: Macmillan, 1971), 186. 45.
"All-Negro Staff for WNJR," Billboard, 14 Nov. 1953; reprinted in Galen Gart, ed., First Pressings: The History of
Rhythm and Blues, Vol. 3, 1953 (Milford, N.H.: Big Nickel, 1989), 90. 46. Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll,
73. 47. "Notes from the R.&B. Beat," Billboard, Oct. 1956; reprinted in Gart, ed., First Pressings, Vol. 6, 133. 48.
WLIB advertisements in Radio Annual from 1950 to 1960. See Radio Annual (New York: Radio-and-Television
Pub.). 49. Ibid. 50. Ibid. 51 Fred Ferretti, "The White Captivity of Black Radio," Columbia Journalism Review 9,
no. 2 (Summer 1970): 35. 52. Rick Sklar, Rocking America: An Insider's Story (New York: St. Martin's, 1984), 28.
At the time, Sklar was assistant program director at WINS. 53. John A. Jackson, Big Beat Heat: Alan Freed and
the Early Years of Rock & Roll (New York: Schirmer, 1991), 77-80. 54. "Radio & Television," Time, 7 Oct. 1957,
62-64. 55. Mark Newman, Entrepreneurs of Profit and Pride: From Black-Appeal to Radio Soul (New York:
Praeger, 1988), 86. 56. Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 78-80. 57. Steve Propes, interview by author, by
telephone, Long Beach, Calif., 16 Aug. 1992; and Bill Earl, interview by author, by telephone, Montebello, Calif., 16
Aug. 1992. 58. For a comprehensive look at border radio, see Gene Fowler and Bill Crawford, Border Radio (Austin,
Texas: Austin Monthly Press, 1987). 59. "Negro-Appeal Radio's Getting the Business," Sponsor, 26 Sept. 1959, 10.

jesseblayton.jpg

Jesse B. Blayton, Sr. made radio history when he became the first African-American to own and operate a radio station in America.
Blayton was born December 6, 1897 in Fallis, Oklahoma and studied at the Walton School of Chicago and the University of Chicago. He moved to Atlanta in 1922 and became Georgia’s first African-American Certified Public Accountant six years later.
By the 1940s, Jesse B. Blayton, Sr. had become a bank president and a professor at Atlanta University. In 1949, he purchased 1,000-watt station WERD/Atlanta and hired his son Jesse Blayton Jr. as station manager.
The younger Blayton hired radio veteran Jack Gibson to be an announcer and Ken Knight to be program director. WERD’s “black appeal” format became an instant success with African-American listeners. By 1951, Gibson—using the on-air name “Jockey Jack”—was Atlanta’s most popular disc jockey. During the 1960s, the station shared building space with the Southern Christian Leadership Council and provided a platform for civil rights activists to make their voices heard.
Blayton sold WERD in 1968 and remained active in community affairs until his death.
Jesse B. Blayton, Sr. died on September 7, 1977.
Jesse B. Blayton, Sr. was inducted into the Radio Hall of Fame in 1995. 

 

daisybates.jpg

The Bravest Woman I Have Ever Known"

By: Macy V. Butler

 

The Day We Hope For

When we can live in peace and harmony with one another, irrespective of race, color, creed....When that day arrives we will be contented, Then, we all can boast of our DEMOCRACY, and NOT until then.

L.C. Bates (1941)

In celebration of Black History Month I want to share one of my personal stories about the bravest woman I have ever known. In all of the years that I knew her, she was simply known to me as, Mrs. Bates.

I was born in Little Rock, Arkansas in March of 1953. My parents Lawrence Clayborn (L.C.)& Fannie Lou Butler were lifelong residents of Little Rock and we lived in a duplex on 1411 N. St. Ringo St. Ringo St. was a regularly traveled street because it was a straight walk or drive from 9th St, which was where the bulk of the black businesses in Little Rock were located to the very southern end of town. A lot of Little Rock’s influential blacks lived close to Ringo St. Dunbar High School later Dunbar Junior High School was on 18th & Ringo St. Dunbar Community Center and Gibbs Elementary School are on 16th & Ringo.

Beginning on 14th Street was Mrs. Marshall’s Confectionary Store where I began working at age seven bagging sandwiches and confectionary. The confectionary was cookies, candies, soda pop, pickles and ice cream. I made fifty cents and ate whatever I wanted. Mrs. Marshall was a very nice lady and was the sister-in-law to Thurgood Marshall. He would visit whenever he was in town.

Across the street was my church Mount Pleasant Missionary Baptist Church one of the largest and oldest black churches in Little Rock pastored by Reverend Wesley E. Hayes. At the end of the block heading towards 15th St. was Taylor’s Cleaners and behind it was Mr. Mansker’s Barbershop. From the time I was seven years old I lived right in the midst of everyday opportunities to earn money through various means. Sandwiched from the east was Philander Smith College (two blocks from my house) and to the west Arkansas Baptist College (four blocks from my house). These were two private old established black colleges.

My grandmother, Jerushia Trowser was the best seamstress and tailor in the area, mending and making dresses and suits for black and white people in Little Rock. She lived at 1413 Ringo St. just two doors from us. My grandmother was self-employed and she did work for most of the local cleaners both black and white. I spent many days helping her as a youth pinning patterns, picking up the scrap cuttings, which would later be made into a blanket or something, and as I grew older she allowed me to cut out the patterns. My grandmother would specially make dress suits for some of the hard to fit men in the city and for the women church dresses for special occasions. She also prepared lunches for the men at the barbershop, ACME drycleaners employees and Dunbar Community Center staff. She earned a good living never needing to ask anyone for help. But I as grew older I became too macho and masculine for sewing, "boys don’t sew." If only I knew the salary a good tailor makes today.

My best friend during the early and mid sixties was Michael Taylor who lived in the same duplex next door. Mike was about two years older than I was and his grandparents owned Taylor’s Cleaners across the street, which was also a long established neighborhood-gathering place. His mother, Ruth was divorced and worked as a registered nurse at the hospital. As teens Mike and I operated a shoeshine parlor out of the cleaners that made us good steady money. We specialized a spit shine polish on the State Troopers black boots and soon all the law enforcement guys were dropping their shoes off to be polished by us. We charged $7.00 a pair, which was a lot of money in those days but the shine, would last a good week.

Ever the hustler (I did not know the word entrepreneur in those days) when I was about ten or eleven years old I began cutting yards during the spring and summer months. My services were unique from the other kids who cut grass because I also edged the sidewalks, swept the front and back porch and raked up my clippings for the same price. Sometimes my dad would help me the first time to make the yard look perfect. Afterwards I just basically kept them maintained, which was a snap. A lot of my extra money came from the tips for well-done job. After a while I was cutting most of the yards in my neighborhood while at the same time operating a JET magazine distributorship.

During those days the JET magazine was a vital link for national news in the local black communities but only a few was generally sold infrequently at the local barber and beauty shops. My distributorship was a door-to-door service weekly. Soon it got to be that when I brought your JET magazine to your house to read while I cut your grass. It was a good business that I did for several years. The Jet cost me $.20 and I charged $.27. A lot of times my customers would give me $.30 and tell me to keep the change. Growing up I paid for most of my clothes, movies, the pool hall and the stuff I wanted.

One of my customers was Mr. Lucius Christopher Bates. I called him Mr. L.C. I guess he saw something in my hustling nature and get up and go spirit. He hired me to cut their grass once a week and sometimes help out around the house doing minor cleaning household chores for his wife, Mrs. Bates. Another thing I guess that drew me closer to him was that he and my father had similar first names L.C. People called my father by two names L.C. or "Bootleg". People called Mr. Bates, L.C.

It was shortly after the assassination of JFK in 1963 when I first met Mrs. Bates. I was too young and naïve to know and understand her accomplishments of what she did and especially had no clue of what happened in 1957-58. I only knew her as a nice lady who was beautiful to look at and very intelligent. She always showed a motherly smile and took interest in what I was doing as a youth. The chores that she had me do were not hard work. Twice a month I would clean the baseboards, windowsills; clean the large glass windows in the family room and living room plus any other odd and ends that she wanted.

Their home was somewhat deceptive because when you entered from the front it appeared to be a single story house. But the home was split-leveled with a lower living area in the back of the house. They had a large yard that was fenced in from all sides with neighboring houses around them. There was no alley on that block which in those days was somewhat unusual. She kept her home immaculate because people were always stopping by.

The lady that I only knew as Mrs. Bates is Daisy Bates who was one of the great civil rights leaders of the twentieth century. In 1954 the United States Supreme Court (Brown v Board of Education) ruled that segregating students by race in public schools must end. Many southern cities resisted the high court’s order to integrate schools. In 1957, as the rest of the country watched with bated breath, Little Rock, Arkansas was polarized in a civil rights battle that would forever change American life. At the very center of the Little Rock battle was Daisy Bates, a feisty and determined NAACP Coordinator who shepherd nine children to becoming the first black students ever to integrate Central High School known as the "Little Rock Nine".

As a young child I was too young to remember and understand the historic events that were happening around me and even as a child growing up around the Bate’s and their home life, I never knew the significance. You did not see a lot of things around their home that gave many clues other than they ran a newspaper.

The lady I knew made delicious lemonade and served it in glasses. She was insistent that we learn to drink out of and use glass utensils properly. There were no plastic cups or mayonnaise jars in that house. Whenever she assigned me chores she would give clear instructions and then would allow you to work independently only checking when you said you completed the task. They did not have any children but every child in the neighborhood knew them.

When I turned 14 I joined the NAACP Youth Council and our meetings were at Mrs. Bates’ home. By this time she was traveling a lot around the country and we worked with Ms. Green who was the youth advisor. Mr. LC though was ailing was still active in the community but did not travel as much as Mrs. Bates so I saw more of him as I grew older.

Born Daisy Lee Gatson in Huttig, a small sawmill town in far southern Arkansas nears the Louisiana border. It was in Huttig that fifteen-year-old Daisy Lee Gatson met her future husband, Lucius Christopher Bates a tall thin insurance man who stopped by to sell Daisy’s father a policy. L.C. Bates and Daisy’s father became friends. L.C. Bates born in Liberty, Mississippi was the son of a Baptist minister and had many advantages compared to most young black people of his time. He was at least 13 years older than Daisy. Their courtship is somewhat murky and there are several interpretations but in 1941 Daisy and L.C. moved to Little Rock and started the Arkansas State Press newspaper.

Some of the things Mrs. Bates did to change discrimination may seem unimportant at first glance. For example, Daisy frequently and firmly insisted on being called "Mrs. Bates". One of the ways white people reminded blacks that they were considered inferior was by calling them by their first names, as one would do a child. Sometimes white people wouldn’t even bother with a black person’s name; they would just bark out, "Hey you, girl…" or "Come here, boy." Daisy refused to tolerate this indignity. I guess that is why I didn’t know she was famous "Daisy Bates" until I was in high school and college. She was always Mrs. Bates to me until she died in Little Rock on November 4, 1999.

On Tuesday, September 3, 1957 a small group of black students would enter the city’s previously all-white Central High School. Having fought for school integration for many years, Arkansas NAACP state president Daisy was now becoming the black student’s chief mentor and spokesperson. She knew that integrating central wouldn’t be easy. White people insisted on maintaining segregated schools were forming committees, some of which vowed to block the entry of the black students by any means possible.

Mrs. Bates was known through out Arkansas as the champion of school integration. Those who favored it viewed her as a heroine, while opponents considered her a troublemaker. Quite a few black people were wary of her because she displayed an inner strength that few had. Having been oppressed for so many years, they feared that Mrs. Bates would only bring down more trouble on their heads.

Many assumed that Daisy handpicked the students who were selected to integrate Central High, when actually Little Rock School Superintendent Virgil Blossom chose them. With recommendations from the city’s black junior and senior high school over eighty names were submitted. Far more than he wanted to start with he told the principals to weed out applicants who were not "mentally and emotionally equipped for this transition." By this method, the number of applicants was reduced from eighty to thirty-two. Mr. Blossom held individual conferences with the thirty-two remaining pupils and their families. He convinced fifteen young people that Central High wasn’t right for them for one reason or another. Seventeen remained. As the tension mounted in the weeks before school opened, seven more students backed out. That left ten youngsters to begin integrating Central High School, which had admitted only white students since opening in 1927.

Although she hadn’t chosen the ten students, Mrs. Bates began meeting with them at her home. They included students entering the last three years of high school: sophomore, junior, and senior years. The ten young people were: Minnijean Brown, Elizabeth Eckford, Ernest Green, Jane Hill, Thelma Mothershed, Melba Pattillo, Gloria Ray, Terrence Roberts, Jefferson Thomas and Carlotta Walls.

It was not until the evening of August 22 did Daisy Bates fully realize how dangerous the segregationist could be. On that Thursday night, Mrs. Bates watched the eleven-pm news on her living room TV. The news was disturbing. That evening a local segregationist group called the Capital Citizens’ Council had hosted a dinner at Little Rock’s Hotel Marion. They had brought in Georgia’s governor, Marvin Griffin, as the featured speaker. Some 350 people had paid $10 (the equivalent of about $70 in today’s money) apiece to hear Governor Griffin denounce the Supreme Court’s school integration order. Forcing previously all-white schools to admit black students as an attack on the South’s "way of life" and an attempt "by force to destroy our government," Governor Griffin told the cheering audience. He urged white southerners to resist integration and called the Capital Citizen’s Council a "courageous group of Arkansas patriots who are fighting a dedicated battle to preserve the rights of states."

What a perversion of the word ‘patriot", thought Daisy Bates as she watched the broadcast. "Patriot" was usually applied to people like George Washington, Nathan hale, and Benjamin Franklin. How could a group of white people who wanted to exclude black teenagers from an all-white high school be called "patriots"? But the most harmful aspect of the Capital Citizens’ Council gathering was the effect it could have on the Arkansas governor, Orval Faubus.

Up to that point it hadn’t been clear whether Governor Faubus would go along with the school integration plan or oppose it. Griffin’s rousing reception made it more likely that Faubus would cave in to the segregationists and try to keep the black students out of Central High. Faubus and Griffin certainly appeared to be in agreement. Griffin was staying at Faubus’s guesthouse, and the two governors were having breakfast together the next morning.

Following the news broadcast, Mrs. Bates switched off the TV and took Skippy, the family cocker spaniel, out for his final walk of the day. Upon returning home, Mrs. Bates sat down on the living room couch by the picture window and began leafing through a newspaper. Daisy Bate was glancing through a newspaper when suddenly she heard what sounded like an explosion. The forty-three-year-old civil rights leader and newspaper publisher instinctively hit the floor and covered her head. L.C. ran into the room and found his wife lying on the floor.

"Are you hurt? Are you hurt?" L.C. asked.

Although covered with glass and bleeding slightly from numerous small cuts, daisy was otherwise unharmed. "I don’t think so," she answered. Rising to her feet, she picked up the rock that had burst through the picture window. A note was attached to the rock by a string. Unfolding the paper, Mrs. Bates read the note and then showed it to her husband.

THE NEXT WILL BE DYNAMITE

K.K.K.

"A message from the Arkansas Patriots," said Daisy Bates, sarcastically mocking the Georgia governor’s speech. She and L.C. knew that "K.K.K." stood for Ku Klux Klan, a racist hate group known for violence against black people.

"Thank God their aim was poor." Said L.C. He called the police, but they had little interest in trying to find out who had thrown the rock.

The couple patched up the window with masking tape, and then went to bed, but Daisy couldn’t sleep. She kept reliving the moment the rock had hit the window, when she had thought the house was being bombed. All through the night questions raced through her mind.

Might some racist actually dynamite their home? What would the bigots do to the black students when they tried to enter Central High in less than two weeks? What would Governor Faubus do? Would the segregationists try to destroy the newspaper that had provided a living for L.C. and Daisy Bates for the past sixteen years?

As State President of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People I was in the front-line trenches. Was I ready for war? Was I ready to risk everything that L.C. and I had built? Who was I really and what did I stand for? Toward dawn I knew I had found the answer. Daisy Bates finally drifted off to sleep, no longer plagued by doubt or uncertainty.

L.C. had a permit to carry a loaded revolver. He, Daisy, and several friends, including their next-door neighbor, a dentist named Garman Freeman, began taking turns guarding the Bates home at night. By this time daisy Bates was receiving so many threats by phone and letter that, for protection, she placed a loaded gun in her car’s glove compartment.

On Tuesday, August 27, Mrs. Clyde A. Thomason, Mothers’ League recording secretary, filed suit seeking a temporary injunction-a court order preventing the integration of Central High.

On Tuesday, August 29, Pulaski County Judge, Murray O. Reed heard Mrs. Thomason’s suit. She testified that in "strict confidence" that there would be violence at the school between white and colored boys if the school opened as integrated. Many witnesses who came forward to refute her claim was Little Rock Chief of Police Marvin Potts, School Superintendent Virgil Blossom and Dr. William Cooper Jr., a surgeon who was president of the Little Rock School Board.

But a surprise witness supported Mrs. Thomason’s claims. Arkansas governor Orval Faubus walked into the courtroom and testified he personally knew of cases in which guns had been seized from black and white students. Largely because of the governor’s testimony, Judge reed ruled in Mrs. Thomason’s favor granting the injunction against starting integration.

The racist celebrated Judge Reed’s decision. On the night of August 29, people drove past the Bates home; honking their horns and shouting Daisy, Daisy did you hear the news? The coons won’t be going to Central!"

But the next day, Friday, August 30, NAACP attorneys Wiley Branton and Thurgood Marshall went before the U.S. District Court asking to have Judge Reed’s order overruled Judge Ronald Davies ruled that integration must proceed as planned. Furthermore, he issued an order that no one interfere with the black students entering the school. By August 30 Arkansas officials began trying to intimidate Mrs. Bates. Attorney General Bruce Bennett sent her a letter demanding that she answer fourteen questions relating to the Arkansas NAACP’s operations, memberships and finances. Mrs. Bates refused to answer his questions and two years later the United States Supreme Court ruled that such demands "violate freedom of speech and assembly guaranteed by the First Amendment."

On Labor Day, September 2, 1957 that night at nine o’ clock, 300 Arkansas National Guardsmen began to surround Central High. Governor Faubus had called these emergency troops to active duty-why was not known. At ten-fifteen pm the governor spoke on local TV and radio. He was vague about his reasons for calling out the Arkansas National Guard while claiming that "they will not act as segregationist or integrationist, but as soldiers" there to keep the peace. Then he revealed which side he had taken. "It is my opinion that it will not be possible to restore or maintain order and protect the lives and property of the citizens if forcible integration is carried out tomorrow. The school, for the time being, must be operated on the same basis as they have in the past." In other words, for an unspecified period the ten black students must stay out of Central High.

Classes at Central began at eight-forty-five AM on Tuesday, September 3rd. The National Guardsmen, as well as a crowd of 400 white adults, watched as nearly 2,000 students, none of them black entered the school. The only black person at the scene was L.C. Bates, who came as a reporter. At one point a group of out-of-town racist rushed toward L.C., probably to try to beat him up. Suddenly, he reached into his pocket. Local whites warned the out-of-towners that Bates had a permit to carry a loaded gun, and the thugs backed off. When asked by visiting white newsmen how he had summoned the nerve to face the mob, L.C. quipped: "I just came by to add some color to the occasion."

Superintendent Blossom and the school board were uncertain about what they should do so they asked Federal Judge Ronald Davies for instructions. The judge announced his decision that evening. The ruling was that the students would enter Central High the next day, September 4.

L.C. hadn’t gone to Central High on September 3 just to report on the start of school for the State Press. He wanted to see the size and the mood of the crowd. When he told her about the thugs who had been about to rush him, her worries grew. People went in and out of the Bates house that night asking what she thought would happen and what she planned to do. One of them was the Reverend J.C. Crenshaw, president of the Little Rock NAACP, associate pastor of Mount Pleasant Missionary Baptist Church and one of the men who baptized me at age eight.

"Maybe," she said, "we could round up a few ministers to go with the children tomorrow. Maybe then the mob won’t attack them." Superintendent Blossom asked both the white and black ministers to stay away from the school because their presence might inflame the bigots. She phoned the Little Rock Police to request that a squad car be stationed at 12th and Park Street before eight-thirty the next morning to protect the black students. Yes, they promised, but they could not escort the children all the way to Central.

It took her until three a.m. to complete the phones call to the students, however she was not able to reach Elizabeth Eckford because her family did not have a telephone. Mrs. Bates considered going to the railroad station, where she thought Elizabeth’s father worked nights, but she was so tired that she decided to sleep a few hours and contact Elizabeth in the morning.

When she awoke, Mrs. Bates called the NAACP’s New York Headquarters for a final briefing and moral support. Daisy and L.C. got into their car and began driving towards Twelfth and Park. On the way they switched on the radio and heard a news bulletin: "A negro girl is being mobbed at central High…" "Oh, my God!" Daisy Bates cried in horror. She had forgotten to notify Elizabeth that they were meeting and driving to school together.

Elizabeth, unaware of the plan, had taken a bus to school. Wearing a black and white dress she had made for her first day of classes, carrying a green notebook, Elizabeth stepped off of the bus at about eight a.m. and began walking the final block to Central High. Outside the school she saw a line of armed Guardsmen and a crowd of some 400 white people. At frit Elizabeth was glad to see the National Guardsmen and assumed they were there to protect her. But whenever she tried to get past them to enter the school, the guards blocked her path, even raising their bayonets to keep her away. At the same time the Guardsmen allowed the white students through. Noticing that the lone black student was trying to get into the school, the crowd closed in on her, yelling, "Lynch her!" and "Go home, black bitch!" Elizabeth recall, "I tried to see a friendly face somewhere in the mob-somebody who maybe would help. I looked into the face of an old woman, but when I looked at her again, she spat on me."

Not knowing what to do Elizabeth returned to the bus stop all while the crowd shouted threats, followed her, as did several newsmen and photographers. For what probably seemed like an eternity she sat there until L.C. Bates and a white woman named Grace Lorch walked up to comfort and protect her. The mob figured it was natural for Mr. Bates to aid one of his people, for they left him alone, but they hurled insults at Mrs. Lorch and also present Dr. Benjamin Fine, New York Times education editor, "Nigger lover!" and "Dirty Jew." After a few minutes a bus came and Elizabeth boarded it, leaving the ugly mob behind.

The nine of students stepped out of the cars, with two minister leading the way and two bringing up the rear, the students began walking to Central High in a line. The racist hated Mrs. Bates so intensely that her presence at the school might spark a riot, so she and others remained in the cars.

Led by Lieutenant Colonel Marion Johnson the students were halted and prevented from entering the school, on orders of the governor Faubus. Soon the whole nation knew what had happened, for TV crews, reporters, and photographers had recorded the day’s events. In fact, over the next few months the Little Rock school crisis became one of the first ongoing news stories covered by on-site television crews.

Following the tense events of September 4, 1957, Jane Hill decided to attend all-black Horace Mann High School. The remaining Black students who wanted to enter Central High were given a nickname by which they became known to the world; "the Little Rock Nine." During that time the president of the United States; Dwight D. Eisenhower was furious at Governor Faubus for defying the U.S. Supreme Court’s order to integrate the schools. After threatening to arrest the governor, Faubus recalled the National Guard from Central. Months later Eisenhower called in the 101st Airborne Division of the U.S. Army to escort the students to class during the 1957 crisis and Central High School was finally integrated.

Those known as the "Little Rock Nine" were of course older but I grew up, played with and dated some of their younger brothers and sisters. Carlotta Walls lived two houses from us.

I have related just a small portion of the events and what happened at Central High School during 1957-58. The complete story may be read in the Power of One, Daisy Bates and the Little Rock Nine and Daisy Bates, Civil Right Crusader.

Mrs. Bates the woman I knew as a young impressionable boy growing up in Little Rock, was a woman of immense courage, faith, compassion and love all wrapped into a feisty, strong-willed and opinionated woman who was just one of the many excellent examples of humanity I grew to know and love. The last time I talked to Mrs. Bates was in 1996 at the age of 82 and wheel chair bound. She introduced me to another great lady who also was in a wheelchair. Her name was Rosa Parks.

Daisy Bates the bravest woman I have ever known.

Parents encourage your children to read more books about America’s heroes and heroines. History is only important until you have knowledge of it.

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LA’s Soul Music Radio Pioneer

by Greg Hardison

 

 

REST IN PEACE: We have lost Hunter Hancock to the great R'n'B station

in the sky.  Hunter was THE pioneer in the airing of so-caled "Race

Music" in Los Angeles, beginning around 1943 on the old KFVD/1020.  It all started

with his one-hour-weekly Jazz show, which was crafted for African-American

audiences.  Several years later, a fortuitous meeting with a Record

rep talked Hunter into adding one "race" record per show.  Theresponse was

huge, and shortly thereafter, Hunter Hancock's show consisted of

nothing but "race" records, and had expanded to 3 1/2 hours daily.

Later in the '50s, Hunter added two nightly hours on competitor KGFJ/1230 (which later

spent thirty years as one of the Nation's premiere Rhythm 'n' Blues

stations.  Their historic record collection migrated over to the old KACE/103.9

in 1994, as KGFJ became "motivational talk" outlet KYPA, and

the Ace took over the L.A. R'n'B crown.  The format is no longer on the air in Los

Angeles, but the albums and CDs are at last word safe with a particular

expert-afficianado of the genre, who worked at both stations in their

latter years.)  By 1955, Hunter helmed a weekly half-hour show on KNXT (now

KCBS-TV), Channel 2, titled "Rhythm 'n' Bluesville",

spotlighting African-American artists.  The whole affair was a cultural awakening

for Hunter Hancock, born a white man in rural Texas, in 1916.  He was

profiled by <laradio.com>'s Don Barrett in 1999:  "Before Hunter

got to Los Angeles

he worked on the radio in San Antonio and Laredo.  'Where I came from

there was no respect for black people. In Los Angeles, my entire career I

played black music and worked with black people. They are wonderful people.

Thank God I changed,' Hunter said. You can imagine the shock of the black

people when he first appeared at concerts at Wrigley Field, sock hops, and

the Lincoln Theatre and they saw for the first time that the man leadingthe r&b

music radio charge was white. The white people were shocked to learn

that he was white. 'The black people accepted me because I was playing their

music when no one else was,' Hunter emphasized.  Some cultural observers

credit the widespread distribution and subsequent commercial appeal of R'n'B

(led particularly by Berry Gordy's Motown, from the early 1960's on) with

helping break down the racial barriers that had been in place in America

since its inception; I for one witnessed that sort of thing first-hand, growing

up in the Urban South.

 

 

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Meet General Larry Ellis
The highest ranking african american officer in the U.S.Army

General Larry R. Ellis assumed command of U.S. Army Forces Command on November 19, 2001, following his assignment as the Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations and Plans, Department of the Army.

 With more than 35 years of Army service, General Ellis has served in the United States, Vietnam, Germany, the Republic of Korea, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. His command assignments include 1st  Armored Division, Germany; Multinational Division (North), Bosnia and Herzegovina; Assistant Division Commander, 2d Infantry Division, Korea; Brigade Commander, 3d Infantry Division, Germany; Battalion Commander, 5th Infantry Division, Fort Polk, La.; Company Commander, 101st Airborne Division, Vietnam; and 82d Airborne Division, Fort Bragg, N.C.

 His staff assignments included Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations and Plans; Assistant Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, Headquarters, Department of the Army; Assistant Chief of Staff, C3/J3/G3, United Nations Command/Combined Forces Command/United States Forces Korea/Eighth United States Army, Korea; Deputy Director for Strategic Planning and Policy, Headquarters, U.S. Pacific Command, Hawaii; Deputy Director, Military Personnel Management, Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, Headquarters, Department of the Army; Force Structure Analyst and Chief, Manpower and Force Structure Division, Program Analysis and Evaluation Directorate, Office of Chief of Staff, Headquarters, Department of the Army; Staff Officer, Headquarters, U. S. Army Europe, Germany; Staff and Faculty, U. S. Military Academy, West Point; Battalion Staff Officer, 101st Airborne Division, Vietnam; and Battalion Operations Officer, 82d Airborne Division, Fort Bragg, N.C.

 General Ellis awards include the Defense Distinguished Service Medal, the Army Distinguished Service Medal, the Defense Superior Service Medal, the Legion of Merit with two Oak Leaf Clusters, the Bronze Star Medal, the Meritorious Service Medal with two Oak Leaf Clusters, the Air Medal, the Army Commendation Medal with Oak Leaf Cluster, the National Defense Service Medal with three stars, the Armed Forces Expeditionary Medal, the Vietnam Service Medal with three stars, the Armed Forces Service Medal, the Vietnam Cross of Gallantry/Palm, the Korean Cheonsu Medal, the German Armed Forces Honor Cross (Gold), the NATO Medal, the Combat Infantryman Badge, the Senior Parachutist Badge, the Office of Secretary of Defense Staff Identification Badge, the Joint Chiefs of Staff Identification Badge, and the Army General Staff Identification Badge.

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Loud and proud

When Los Angeles erupted in the bloodiest racial uprising of the 1960s,

the black citizens of Watts sent a message to the world, demanding that

their struggle be noticed. And it was; for the social, intellectual and

emotional rebellion that followed was played out to a soul soundtrack

that culminated, 30 years ago, in the biggest music event of the Black

Power era: Wattstax

James Maycock

Thursday July 18 2002

The Guardian

On August 20 1972, the expectant audience at the LA Coliseum in South

Central Los Angeles basked in hot Californian sun. Just before 3pm, soul

singer Kim Weston approached the centre stage mic and belted out the US

national anthem. As the Star-Spangled Banner resonated around the huge

auditorium, the 100,000-plus black crowd, well, they just chilled: the

stadium hummed with light conversation, some ate their picnics, others

twitched their noses with indifference. No one stood. Jesse Jackson,

dressed in what most self-respecting civil rights officials wore in 1972

- multicoloured dashiki, bushy sideburns and medallion - addressed the

crowd. Declaring "We've gone from 'burn, baby, burn' to 'learn, baby,

learn'", he urged everyone to repeat, "I Am Somebody!" Then Weston was

invited back to sing the black national anthem, Lift Every Voice And

Sing. As the first notes left her lips, the crowd bolted to its feet and

fists punched the air. And so began Wattstax, the biggest, baddest

musical event of the Black Power era, featuring most acts from the

Memphis-based Stax label.

 

Rewind to another sizzling weekend in LA, August 7 and 8 1965. This time

a less grandiose Stax Revue - including Wilson Pickett, the Astors and

Booker T And The MGs - is performing at the 700-capacity 5/4 Ballroom in

Watts. The budding Memphis record label is in town to raise its profile

on the west coast and the shows are promoted by Magnificent Montague

from local radio station KGFJ. Montague, a friend of Malcolm X -

assassinated six months earlier - is the originator of the expression

"Burn, baby, burn", which he yells wildly at the climax of a record.

It's become the slick phrase among black Los Angelenos, and Montague, as

MC, screams it between acts, inducing a female audience member to howl

deliriously, "Jump in that water and let it burn!"

 

The trip is deemed a modest triumph. Some Stax artists return to Memphis

on Monday, but the Astors leave on Wednesday, August 11. As their plane

flies above LA, they watch incredulously as thick coils of black smoke

billow out of Watts. Booker T, Steve Cropper and Al Jackson have

remained in town to record a session; that same day, Booker T