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Senator Nolan Jones
11-09-1934  to 11-28-08
 
 
 
Senator Jones was an entrepreneur on the soul/blues scene , veteran record man  a Jackson Mississippi native he spent many decades in New Orleans, where he recorded artists including Chris Kenner, Tommy Ridgely, Walter “Wolfman” Washington and, most notably, Johnny Adams, for his labels including J.B.’s, Shagg, Super Dome, and the still active Hep’ Me.

In 1989 Senator, who grew up in the Farish Street area and worked at the Blue Flame on the Gold Coast [an entertainment district in Rankin County] at the age of nine, returned to Jackson in order to capitalize on the burgeoning Southern Soul movement.

senator is credited  as being the person to poularize the term "Southern Soul"

“There’s a traditional thing in New Orleans that won’t let [local music] leave Louisiana,” explains Jones. “I said, “I’m going to have to go home to Jackson to do it.’” Once back, Jones began recording local artists, including George Jackson, who cut the 1993 CD Heart To Heart Collect on the British Black Grape label, and Sweet Miss Coffy [Veetta Smith, see LB #120], who recorded the cassette Pistol/Knife/& Razor Too; he also cut singles on locals Pat Brown and Cadillac George Harris.

Since the early ‘90s Jones has worked closely with the New Orleans-based Mardi Gras Records. Several of his first productions were a solo CD by Sweet Miss Coffy [see LB #120] and two compilations, Mississippi Burnin’ Blues volumes 1 & 2, featuring Coffy, Jackson, Harris, guitarist Eddie Rasberry, Melvin “Smokehouse” Moore, and Robert Robinson, Elmore James’ longtime bassist.

More recently Senator had been at the forefront of the Southern Soul movement, spearheaded by the young Sir Charles Jones, a Birmingham resident who recorded his smash CD, Love Machine, featuring soul blues radio staples Friday and Is There Anybody Lonely, on Senator Jones’ “farm” in Bolton, the birthplace of Charley Patton, some 20 miles west of Jackson. Jones’ modest home, surrounded by chickens, goats, and various animals, boasts a home studio with the latest studio technology. Often aided by Harrison Calloway, “a genius of an arranger,” recent CDs have been recorded by Jones at the studio by Tanya, Cicero Blake, Barbara Carr, Stan Mosely, and the Love Doctor [Louis Clark], whose Mardi Gras album The Doctor of Love, featuring the Sir Charles Jones-penned hit Slow Roll It, reached  #50 in the R&B charts in 2001, prompting a lucrative lease deal with Universal Records.

In July of2007 Senator won tThe E.Rodney Jones Trailblazer award presented by The Jackson Music Awards.

At 69, lifelong hustler Senator wore many hats—producer, promoter, occasional artist, label owner—and even worked as a deejay on Jackson’s WMPR on the 2-5am shift as “Uncle Bobo,” playing for night-shift workers. “ “It’s a sweet shift to me, there’s nobody to worry you.”

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Jack The Rapper Gibson

Negro-Appeal Radio Stations Using a Rhythm-and-Blues Music Format, 1947-1963
 
by Jack L. Ortizano Communication Arts Department Franciscan University of Steubenvillle Steubenville, Ohio
43952
 
ABSTRACT
 
The rhythm-and-blues radio format was one of the first segmented formats to succeed during the time when
television was replacing network radio as the nation's foremost mass medium, 1947-1963. A variation of so-called
"Negro-appeal; radio," the format featured black radio announcers who played recordings of rhythm-and-blues
music aimed at a primarily black audience. This research paper examines some of the leading radio stations that
were pioneers in employing the rhythm-and-blues radio format.They included southern stations such as WDIA in
Memphis and WERD in Atlanta, Midwestern stations such as WCHB in Detroit and WBEE in Chicago,
Northeastern stations such as WOOK in Washington, D.C., and WLIB in New York City, and Western stations
such as KDIA in Oakland-San Francisco and KGFJ in Los Angeles. The study briefly describes some of the disc
jockey personalities, programming policies and economic factors that made the stations successful in their own right
as well as establishing a precedent that led to the emergence of the highly successful rock 'n' roll and Top-40
formats that followed.
* * *
The rhythm-and-blues format was introduced by "Negro-appeal" radio stations that catered to the needs and
musical preferences of black listeners. It was among the first segmented, non-network, formats that prospered
during the early years of television_the late 1940s and 1950s. Although the video medium contributed to the decline
of live network-radio broadcasting, it also influenced the growth of locally based radio stations that featured
pre-recorded, musical programming. Rhythm-and-blues radio served as a model among these locally based formats.
It not only was very successful in its own right, it also provided the groundwork for the development of mainstream
rock music and the enormously popular Top-40 format that emerged during the late 1950s. The main attribute of
rhythm-and-blues radio was rhythm-and-blues music, a genre that flourished during the period between the end of
World War II and the onset of the Vietnam War.1 The music offered raucous instrumental tunes with screeching
saxophones that made the listener want to get up and dance. It also was characterized by slower, romantic love
songs performed by vocalists who sang in an intimate, heartfelt style. And it featured fast-paced vocal recordings
with a "big beat" that conveyed enthusiasm, joy and vitality. The music's spirit was youthful, urban and modern. Its
singers, distinguishably black, performed with more involvement than pop, more worldliness than gospel and more
emphasis on vocal technique than jazz. Yet, rhythm and blues unquestionably borrowed much from all three of these
music forms.2 The format followed in the tradition of the disc-jockey programs on mainstream radio that had been
popularized by Martin Block on his Make Believe Ballroom," which relied on pre-recorded material instead of live
performances.3 But unlike "Make Believe Ballroom," its music was primarily by and for black Americans. In the
late 1940s, much of the earliest rhythm-and-blues programming was broadcast in small segments. For example, a
radio station would try to attract a wider audience by adding a nightly rhythm-and-blues show to its schedule. Or, an
enterprising individual could purchase an hour of air time on a local station for the purpose of featuring rhythm and
blues. Stations with a full-time commitment to rhythm and blues did not surface until the music had already acquired
a large audience. Eventually, however, station managers in cities with substantial black populations were
encouraged to build an entire format around their audiences' increasing demand for rhythm and blues. This study
examines the principal Negro-appeal stations that broadcast the rhythm-and-blues format between 1947 and 1963.
These stations, grouped by region, were among the forerunners of all radio outlets with formats that aimed at a
specific, demographically defined audience. The South The reality of a full-time, Negro-appeal radio station was
born at WDIA in Memphis. A station that previously had broadcast classical music, it was purchased by white
entrepreneurs Bert Ferguson and John R. Pepper on June 7, 1947. The 250-watt station began broadcasting as a
full-time Negro-appeal outlet on October 25, 1948.4 Ferguson and Pepper wanted a black person to be the guiding
force behind WDIA. They chose Nat D. Williams, a former high school teacher, to serve as their chief adviser.5
Williams structured WDIA's initial programming schedule with a collection of short, music programs. These included
a daily, fifteen-minute segment featuring blues singer "Sonny Boy" Williamson.6 To satisfy the religious needs of
WDIA's audience, Williams scheduled gospel recordings played by hosts Ford Nelson and Theo "Bless My Bones"
Wade. Live religious programming included music performed by Negro-appeal Radio preacher "Gatemouth"
Moore and Sunday services from a local black church.7 In short order, Nat D. Williams developed an extraordinary
roster of talented, full-time disc jockeys. They included Riley "B.B." King, Rufus Thomas, A. C. Williams, Maurice
Hulbert and Martha Jean Steinberg.8 King made his debut in 1949 as an unpaid host of a ten-minute blues show. On
the air, he advertised Pepticon health tonic and plugged his live musical appearances at the Sixteenth Street Grill in
West Memphis. He was earning $25 a week for his solo act at the Grill and perhaps royalty payments from his local
hits that year on the Bulleit label.9 Station owner Ferguson used King to record a catchy jingle for Pepticon health
elixir: "Pepticon, Pepticon, sure is good. You can get it anywhere in your neighborhood." Before long, King's radio
duties were lengthened as his stature grew as both a blues performer and a station personality. He was assigned a
regular-length disc jockey shift for his "Sepia Swing Club," where he played records and performed live using his
nickname "Beale Street Blues Boy." King's nickname was shortened to "Blues Boy" and then shortened again to
become his famous stage initials, "B.B." King.10 After switching record companies to the Bihari Brothers' RPM
label, King performed songs that reached number one on Billboard's rhythm-and-blues charts for each of the next
four years_"Three O'Clock Blues" in 1951, "You Know I Love You" in 1952, "Please Love Me" in 1953 and "You
Upset Me Baby" in 1954. By then, King had left the disc jockey trade to pursue his musical career on a full-time
basis. In 1950, Rufus Thomas joined WDIA's announcing team. He was a veteran singer, comedian and dancer who
had begun performing years earlier with the Rabbit Foot Minstrels and the Harlem-in-Havana Troupe minstrel
company. In high school, he studied history under Nat D. Williams and had since replaced him as the host of
amateur nights at Memphis' Palace Theater. When WDIA expanded its daily schedule in 1954, Thomas began doing
a nightly blues and rhythm-and-blues program called "Hoot 'n' Holler." He always opened his shows with this
rhyme: I'm young and loose, and full of juice. I've got the goose, so what's the use? We're feeling gay, though we
ain't got a dollar. So let's all get together and hoot 'n' holler!11 Like King, Thomas recorded a song that climbed to
number one on the national rhythm-and-blues chart. But Thomas did not record "Do the Push and Pull, Part 1" until
1970. His biggest hit during the 1950s was "Bear Cat," a song that climbed to number three on Billboard's chart in
1953. Disc jockeys A. C. Williams and Maurice Hulbert had attracted the attention of Nat D. Williams when he was
teaching at a Memphis high school. A. C. "Moohah" Williams became the host of blues programs "Saturday Night
Fish Fry" and "Wheeling on Beale." He also worked as host of a gospel program, "Delta Melodies" and a
live-performance show, "Teen Town Revue." But it was the other former teacher, "Hot Rod" Hulbert, who was
destined to become one of the most popular and influential disc jockeys in the history of radio. The essence of
versatility, Hulbert began his day at WDIA as the dignified host of a morning gospel program, "Tan Town Jubilee."
At 10 o'clock, Hulbert adopted a romantic persona to emcee "Sweet Talkin' Time," a precursor of the 1980s "Quiet
Storm" format. Then came his transformation into the famous "Hot Rod," the electrifying host of WDIA's evening
"Sepia Swing Club."12 Martha Jean Steinberg was among the first female disc jockeys to earn a living in
rhythm-and-blues radio. She was brought to the station to follow in the footsteps of Willa Monroe, who did the
announcing for various feature programs that had been popular among WDIA's women listeners. But, as former
WDIA disc jockey Louis Cantor recalled, Steinberg was altogether different: Although the station 's original
intention in adding another woman announcer after Willa Monroe may have been to appeal to more females, both
the Nite Spot and Premium Stuff_with Martha Jean as the host_could hardly be described as programs pitched to
the women in the audience. No way! Her sultry voice and double entendres sent out unambiguous messages, leaving
little doubt about which gender she was attempting to attract. In case the males missed the more subtle aural signals
on the evening Night Spot, the very title of Martha Jean's Saturday noon show, Premium Stuff, drove the point
home.13 Steinberg, whose maiden name was Jones, had married a Jewish horn player and was already a part of the
music scene when she began working for WDIA in 1949. She was billed as "The Queen sponsored by the King of
Beers, Budweiser."14 Steinberg subsequently moved on to still greater fame as a disc jockey in Detroit. Nat D.
Williams played rhythm and blues at WDIA from its inception in 1948. As the station's chief announcer, he was the
host of a morning show called how called "Tan Town Coffee" and an afternoon program titled "Tan Town
Jamboree."15 In 1981, Williams discussed how he handled records containing double-entendre lyrics while adhering
to the station's policy of remaining within the boundaries of good taste. "We came up with the idea of giving them
some blues," he said. "And then we had to clean them up because some of them were . . . well_suggestive. And the
way I cleaned them up was, when they got to be suggestive, I'd just start talking."16 Though white-owned, WDIA
became highly respected for its public service to the city 's black community. In keeping with its commitment to
service, WDIA appointed A. C. Williams as its public relations director and acquired a reputation as "Mother
Station of the Negroes." In his biography of "B.B." King, Charles Sawyer describes some of WDIA's benevolent
activities: The station became more than an outlet for black music and a medium for advertisers to reach black
markets; it became a clearing house for black community affairs. Not infrequently, long-lost relatives of Memphis
families would appear at WDIA offices, asking the station to announce their arrival over the air so that their
families, who they could not find at old addresses, would call in and give their new location. Lost-children and
lost-pet announcements were a routine feature, given like time and temperature readings.17 One of WDIA's most
famous innovations was its annual "GoodwiIl Revue." Since their inception in 1949, these live shows featured
performances by famous rhythm-and-blues and gospel singers for the benefit of needy black children. The quality of
the acts that appeared at the reviews is illustrated by the stellar performers on hand for the 1956 show, which raised
funds for a children's home. The talent that year included Ray Charles, "B.B." King and the Moonglows.18 The
combination of goodwill, superb air personalities and a rhythm-and-blues format enabled WDIA to prosper
throughout the early 1950s. Its high point occurred in 1954, when the station's new transmitter began sending out
50,000 watts of rhythm and blues on a twenty-four hour daily schedule. By 1957, Ferguson and Pepper were able to
sell WDIA to the Sonderling station group for reportedly $1 million. At the time, the station's annual profits were
more than $100,000, which did not include the generous salaries extracted by its two co-owners.19 Another
significant "first" in the South was black-owned WERD in Atlanta. The 900-watt station was purchased in 1949 by
accountant Jesse B. Blayton and his son for $50,000. By 1951, WERD employed twenty-two workers including six
white people. Moreover, contrary to what might have been expected of a Negro-appeal station in a Southern city, its
audience was reportedly 20 percent white.20 Known as "The Good Word Station," WERD presented newscasts
based on material in Atlanta's black newspaper, The Daily World. Its public affairs programming also included daily
news commentary from William Boyd, a professor at Atlanta University.21 On the music side, WERD played all
types of music, from pop to classical, before ultimately settling on a rhythm-and-blues format. Former WERD disc
jockey Jack Gibson told writer Nelson George about the exaltation he felt as part of America 's first black-owned
station. "I'm proud to have been the jock who flipped the switch at 6 a.m. on a brisk October morning in 1949 and
greeted the day with a hearty 'Good morning, Atlanta! We are here!'" he said.22 Atlanta eventually had two more
stations featuring rhythm and blues, WGST and WAOK. Another early black-owned, Negro-appeal station was
WSOK in Nashville, Tennessee. Launched in 1951. it was owned by a corporation that included black shareholders,
thereby qualifying as a "black-owned" station.23 Nashville 's black disc jockeys had unforgettable names such as
Lee "Blabber Mouth" Dorms, "Long, Tall, Lean" Larry Dean Faulkner, Bill "Bouncin' with Billy" Powell and
Charles "Club Buggs" Scruggs.24 They competed for the area 's rhythm-and-blues audience with the white disc
jockeys at Nashville's 50,000-watt WLAC, the station that gave America the famous trio of Bill "Hoss" Allen, Gene
Nobles and "John R." Richbourg. Beginning in the late 1940s, WLAC's strong signal helped its disc jockeys to
cultivate a following among rhythm-and-blues fans throughout the country, who picked up the station during the
late-night hours. Radio historian Wes Smith wrote of WLAC's Richbourg, "In the 1950s at the height of his
popularity, which mirrored that of rhythm-and-blues music, as many as 15 million people listened to his show each
night."25 Another white Tennesseean with a large audience was Dewey Phillips at WHBG in Memphis. He is
enshrined in radio history for initiating Elvis Presley's rise to stardom by playing the singer's new release of "It 's
All Right" thirty times in one night during 1954.26 His signature line, which he repeated at the end of his
commercials, was "Tell 'em Phillips sencha."27 The Baltimore-Washington, D.C., area was another stronghold of
rhythm-and-blues radio. Its leading stations were WEBB and WSID in Baltimore, and WOOK and WUST in
Washington. WOOK, established in 1947, had the distinction of presenting Hal Jackson, radio's first full-time black
announcer. At first, his role was so unusual that a white listener, not realizing that Jackson was black, called the
station to complain that it was broadcasting too much "jig music."28 Founded by Richard Eaton, WOOK was an
innovator in using market-research data. For example, the station's advertisements called attention to census
reports demonstrating that Washington's nonwhite population had increase substantially during the 1950s. In fact,
the proportion of nonwhites had grown from 35 percent in 1950 to 53 percent in 1959, easily the highest nonwhite
ratio of any metropolitan area in the United States.29 In 1959, greater Washington's 635,500 black residents ranked
sixth nationally surpassed only by the black populations of New York City, Chicago, Philadelphia, Los Angeles and
Detroit.30 Building on these statistics, WOOK created a complete marketing presentation describing "the richest,
most responsive, buying Negro market in the country."31 In 1960, WOOK commissioned Pulse to perform a market
study of black residents in the nation's capital. The study found that 20 percent of Washington's black families had
checking accounts, 40 percent had charge accounts and more than 66 percent had been living in the area for at least
fifteen years.32 Three years later, WOOK informed all who would listen that while the nation's median income for
black families was $3,233, Washington's black families averaged $4,423 with a quarter of them employed with
steady jobs in the government. In addition, most of Washington 's black families were young and eager to buy
consumer goods.33 These numbers encouraged so many sponsors that in 1963 the company launched WOOK-TV,
the nation's first black-oriented television station.34 In all, the following southern radio stations presented a
substantial amount of Negro-appeal programming during the 1950s:35 Alabama: Birmingham_WBCO, WEDR,
WENN, WJLD Mobile_WGOK, WMOZ Selma_WHBB Tuscaloosa_WTUG Arkansas: Little Rock_KOKY
District of Columbia: Washington_WOOK, WUST Florida: Jacksonville_WOBS, WRHC Miami_WFEC Miami
Beach_WMBM Pensacola_WBOP Georgia: Atlanta_WAOK, WERD, WGST Augusta_WAUG Columbus_WCLS,
WOKS Macon_WCRY Kentucky: Louisville_WLOU Louisiana: Baton Rouge_WXOK New Orleans_WBOK,
WNOE, WYLD Shreveport_KANB, KOKA Maryland: Annapolis_WANN Baltimore_WEBB, WSID Mississippi:
Jackson_WOKJ Meridian_WQIC North Carolina: Charlotte_WGIV Durham_WSRC Fayetteville_WFAI
Winston-Salem_WAAA South Carolina: Charleston_WPAL Columbia_WOIC Greenville_WFBC Tennessee:
Chattanooga_WMFS Jackson_WJAK Memphis_WDIA, WHBG, WLOK Nashville_WLAC, WVOL Texas:
Beaumont_KJET Houston_KCOH, KYOK Tyler_KZEY Virginia: Norfolk_WRAP Richmond_WANT West
Virginia: Beckley_WWAR All of these stations employed black disc jockeys, although in the earliest days of the
rhythm-and-blues format many Southern stations preferred using white disc jockeys to play music for their black
listeners. In 1951, a Billboard article proclaimed, "Numerous Dixie outlets have added Negro personnel in the past
year or so, and these stations report no friction among members of their mixed staffs." The article cited integrated
personnel at Winston-Salem's WAAA, Memphis' WDIA, Birmingham's WEDR, Atlanta's WERD and New Orleans'
WMRY.36 The Midwest In the Midwest, greater Detroit 's WCHB became the first black-owned, Negro-appeal
station when a local dentist named Harley Bell purchased the station in 1956. Bell's program director, Larry Dean
Faulkner, recruited a distinguished crew of disc jockeys including "Joltin" Joe Howard from Houston, Martha Jean
"The Queen" Steinberg from Memphis and George White from Cincinnati.37 Howard, whose voice was the first
one heard on WCHB, had been doing his "Beehive" show at Houston's KNUZ since 1953.38 Despite its talented
disc jockeys, however, WCHB operated at a financial loss and was reportedly $100,000 in debt at the decade's
end.39 By that time, Howard had joined "Senator" Bristoe Bryant and "Frantic" Ernie Durham to form "The Three
Disc-A-Teers" at Detroit's other rhythm-and-blues station, WJLB.40 Chicago was another important center of
rhythm-and-blues radio. It was there that Jack L. Cooper and Al Benson developed the brokerage system into a fine
art. Their shows filled large blocks of radio time that they purchased from various Chicago stations. They also
employed "satellite" disc jockeys to work the hours that they could not handle personally. Cooper 's brokerage
interests grew from one hour on a single station in 1930 to forty-seven hours a week on four Chicago radio stations
in 1947. Meanwhile, Benson was on his way to becoming one of the most innovative and successful disc jockeys in
rhythm-and-blues radio. By 1948, Benson had already saturated Chicago 's air waves with ten hours a day of
Negro-appeal programming on WBEE, WGES, WAAF, WAIT and WJJD. He also bought air time on Indiana
stations WWCA in Gary and WIMS in Michigan City.41 Chicago's first Negro-appeal station was WBEE. Under its
corporate structure, WBEE's sales executives sold advertising time directly to sponsors and hired disc jockeys. The
same thing occurred at WGES in 1963 when the MacLendon Corporation of Dallas purchased the station and
summarily replaced the brokers with salaried disc jockeys. This terminated the satellite era, a situation that
severely diminished the income of Chicago 's more enterprising disc jockeys.42 Chicago's rhythm-and-blues stations
had a tremendous impact on the city 's radio audience, especially in predominantly black neighborhoods. Singer
Johnny Keyes of the Magnificents recalled the impression made by his group's mentor, disc Jockey Nathaniel
"Magnificent" Montague: Howard "Moo Moo" Miller was the morning giant on WMAQ until the "magnificent"
one hit town and changed WAAF's morning sound. "Moo Moo" would blast the air waves with a "killer" by Mitch
Miller. Montague would open up early in the morning with Buddy and Ella Johnson, followed by organ music played
softly and sweetly underneath poetry recited into the microphone. This would segue into Ray Charles singing
"Drown in My Own Tears." "Moo Moo's" morning drive domination was no more.43 Besides Chicago and Detroit,
the Midwest's other major Negro-appeal stations were in Cincinnati, Cleveland and St. Louis. Overall, these
stations were the leading rhythm-and-blues outlets in the Midwest: Illinois: Chicago_WBEE, WGES East St.
Louis_WAMV Indiana: Gary_WGRY Indianapolis_WGEE Michigan: Detroit_WCHB, WJLB Missouri: Kansas
City_KCKN St. Louis, KATZ_KXLW Ohio: Cincinnati_WCIN Cleveland_WABQ, WERE, WJW
Columbus_WVKO Wisconsin: Milwaukee_WMIL Audiences in large Midwestern cities, such as Chicago and
Detroit, had access to stations that broadcast rhythm and blues on a full-time schedule. In other areas, including
Indianapolis, Kansas City and Milwaukee, local stations featured rhythm and blues only part of the time. The
Northeast In the Northeast, the first full-time, Negro-appeal radio station in metropolitan New York City was
actually located in New Jersey. During 1954, Rollins Broadcasting Company purchased 5,000-watt WNJR in
Newark from the Newark News for a reported $140, 000. The station broadcast nineteen hours a day of rhythm and
blues, gospel, news and sports_all geared toward a black audience.44 Billboard magazine announced that WNJR
was building an all-black staff of disc jockeys that included Ramon Bruce, Babs Gonzales, Charlie Green, George
Hudson, Hal Jackson and Hal Wade.45 The station also broadcast three taped versions of programs with prominent
white disc jockeys. The tapes featured Alan Freed from Cleveland, Hunter Hancock from California and Zenas
"Daddy" Sears from Atlanta.46 Ramon Bruce, who also worked at Newark's WAAT and Philadelphia's WHAT, is
remembered for making public appearances clad in black Bermuda shorts and white knee socks.47 His attire could
have been the inspiration for two popular 1950s songs, "Bermuda Shorts" by the Delroys and "Knee Socks" by the
Ideals. Across the Hudson River from Newark, the distinction of being the first Negro-appeal station to broadcast
from within New York City belonged to WLIB. Specializing in minority and foreign-language programming, WLIB
had been entertaining its black listeners since the late 1940s. During its earlier years, WLIB produced programs in
several languages including Yiddish, Polish and Spanish. In fact, WLIB's print advertisements in the late 1950s still
gave top billing to its Jewish programming. The advertisements stated that WLIB was "geared to reach the more
than two-and-a-half million English-speaking Jewish people" and "the more than one million Negro people" in the
New York area. The advertising copy also noted that WLIB was the first station to broadcast "Jewish-American
themes . . . Hebrew and Israeli music, news and special features . . . of interest to all Jewish Americans." This was
followed with the announcement, "For the Negro people WLIB features top Negro talent, music, local news, Negro
sports roundup, plus community programs and special features."48 WLIB eventually expanded its Negro-appeal
schedule to feature "Negro time" from 6:30 a.m. to noon and from 5:30 p.m. to its varying sign-off times in the
evening. In between, it scheduled "Anglo-Jewish Time" from 4 to 5:30 p.m. The station's Negro-appeal
programming included Hal Jackson's "House that Jack Built," Lloyd Williams's "Harlem Serenade," Charles
Campbell's "Community News" and Larry Fuller's "Gospel Train."49 By the end of the decade, WLIB had adopted
a rhythm-and-blues format that devoted 93 percent of its broadcast time to Negro-appeal programming.
Broadcasting at a modest 1,000-watts, it relocated to the Hotel Theresa on Seventh Avenue to become the only
commercial radio station with studios in Harlem. An advertisement in the 1960 Radio Annual boasted that WLIB
had "more Negro listeners than any New York station." It added, "WLIB is the first New York station broadcasting
Negro community news and special events on a regularly scheduled basis_every hour and every half hour."50
WLIB went on to distinguish itself as a Peabody Award-winning resource of New York's black community.51 Other
Negro-appeal broadcasters serving New York City included WEVD, WHOM, WOV and WWRL. At first, these
stations shared the city's entire rhythm-and-blues audience. But in the late 1950s, they encountered a challenge
from a source that would have been unthinkable during the early days of rhythm and blues. The new competition
came from general market radio The first of New York City' s mainstream stations to have a major impact was
WINS. An all-white announcing staff played the top hits of the day regardless of genre, including rhythm and blues.
Former WINS program director Rick Sklar recalled, "The new WINS hit the air in September of 1957 with sharp
jingles, screaming contests and promotions, and Top Forty music. The city had never heard anything like it."52 The
biggest coup scored by WINS was the acquisition of disc jockey Alan Freed. The station's management wisely
permitted the former Clevelander to deviate from the station's playlist and choose his own material. For the most
part, Freed disdained white cover records and played original versions of rhythm-and-blues hits for his largely white
audience. When the show created a sensation and drew nationwide publicity, disc jockeys throughout the country
tried to duplicate Freed's success by playing authentic rhythm and blues, thereby destroying the market for white
cover records.53 The ascension of WINS encouraged many imitators to compete for Top-40 supremacy in New
York City. These stations included WABC, WMCA and WMGM. Meanwhile, in upstate New York, a profusion of
radio stations played rhythm and blues. In Buffalo, the competition included WEBR, 50,000-watt WKBW, WUFO
and WWOL In a few cases, the Negro-appeal stations actively pursued a following among white listeners. In 1957,
one of these stations was described by Time magazine as "possibly the loudest and zaniest radio station in the
U.S.A." The station was WILY in Pittsburgh, a station whose white listeners outnumbered its black listeners by a
three-to-one margin. In an attempt to distance itself from its former reputation as a Negro-appeal station, WILY
changed its call letters to WEEP and promoted itself as a general market station. This entailed replacing all but one
of its black personalities with white disc jockeys. The lone exception was "Sir" Walter Raleigh, who later left the
station to join Pittsburgh 's Negro-appeal WAMO. Raleigh was a favorite among Pittsburgh 's black disc jockeys
because of his pseudo-British patter. He would entertain his audience by saying, "Well, chaps, that 's the way the
mop flops. Lads . . . we 're feeling rather geometric this afternoon. Yes, indeedy, we have happy sounds; a jolly good
show."54 In eastern Pennsylvania, Philadelphia had competing Negro-appeal stations in WDAS and WHAT. This
area produced some of the country 's most popular rhythm-and-blues disc jockeys, including Douglas "Jocko"
Henderson and George Woods. These Northeastern stations were among the region's leaders in broadcasting
rhythm and blues: New Jersey: Newark_WNJR New York: Buffalo_WEBR, WKBW, WUFO, WWOL New York
City_WEVD, WHOM, WLIB, WOV, WWRL Pennsylvania: Philadelphia_WDAS, WHAT Pittsburgh_WAMO,
WHOD, WILY Outside of the Middle Atlantic sector, there were few Negro-appeal stations in the Northeast. New
Englanders either tried to receive New York stations on their radios or had to settle for the rhythm and blues
included in other formats. The Far West Nearly all of the Negro-appeal radio activity in the West was in California.
Its three major rhythm-and-blues stations were KDIA in Oakland-San Francisco, KSAN in San Francisco, and
KGFJ in Los Angeles. The latter had a racially integrated announcing staff throughout the 1950s and early 1960s.
Its line-up included Herman Griffith, Hunter Hancock, Johnny Magnus, former Chicagoan Nathaniel "Magnificent"
Montague, Jim Randolph, Charles Trammell and Jim Wood. Hancock, one of the most historically important West
Coast disc jockeys, worked for other Southern California stations besides KGFJ. A white disc jockey, he began
playing "race" records during the 1940s on KFVD in Los Angeles. Two other disc jockeys from the early days of
rhythm and blues were Joe Adams and Dick "Huggie Boy" Hugg. Adams, who worked for KOWL in Santa Barbara
during World War II, may have been the first disc jockey to play rhythm and blues in Southern California.55 Hugg,
who was a teen-ager when he performed his late-night show on KRKD, did many of his programs live from John
Dolphin's record shop in Hollywood.56 Other prominent West Coast disc jockeys who played rhythm and blues
during the 1950s included Jackie Ford at KSAN in San Francisco, live-show promoter Gene Norman at KLAC in
Los Angeles and both Dave Polk and Johnny Otis at KFOX in Los Angeles.57 Later, during the 1960s,
ultra-high-power "border radio" stations from Mexico could be heard throughout the Southwest during the
late-night hours. Through the years, these border stations have continued to specialize in 1950s rhythm and blues.
For instance, Dick Hugg was still broadcasting vintage rhythm and blues during the 1980s at border station XEM in
Monterey.58 But back in the 1950s, rhythm-and-blues fans in the West who lived outside of Los Angeles or San
Francisco were lucky if they could find a station that handled the music on a part-time basis. Aside from KDIA,
KGFJ and KSAN, all of the following stations featured Negro-appeal programming on a part-time schedule only:
Arizona: Phoenix_KCAC California: Berkeley_KRE Fresno_KGST Long Beach_KGER Los Angeles_KGFJ
Napa_KVON San Francisco-Oakland_KDIA, KSAN San Gabriel_KALI San Rafael_KTIM Nevada: Las
Vegas_KLAS Reno_KENO New Mexico: Hobbs_KWEW Oregon: Portland_KWJJ Washington: Seattle_KTW In
the late-1950s, rhythm and blues also was an important part of the programming at rock-'n'-roll and Top-40 radio
stations in this region. Conclusion In the years following WDIA's debut in 1948, the concept of Negro-appeal radio
spread to almost every sizable radio market in the country. Only six years after WDIA's entrance into the Memphis
market, Sponsor magazine 's 1954 Buyer's Guide to Negro-appeal radio listed 374 such stations. In 1959, Sponsor's
roster totaled 832 without taking into account a larger number of stations that were giving air time to rhythm and
blues on derivative formats such as rock 'n' roll and Top-40.59 The success of rhythm-and-blues radio demonstrated
that the radio medium could survive despite competition from television. The emphasis shifted, however, from mass
coverage by network radio to segmented formats that appealed to specific groups with particular tastes. As a
consequence, many specialized formats were able to replicate the success of rhythm-and-blues radio. These formats
included rock 'n' roll, Top-40, country-and-western and soul music, the latter a successor of rhythm-and-blues radio
that emerged during the mid-1960s.
# # #
NOTES 1. Classic rhythm and blues, originally called "race music," thrived during this period. Billboard magazine
originated its "race" and rhythm and blues" popularity charts in 1945. The publication discontinued its
rhythm-and-blues charts in November 1963 because the editors felt that the music had been absorbed by the era's
pop music, which was being played on Top-40 radio stations. Billboard covered the entire Top-40 spectrum in its
"Hot 100" chart. By the time Billboard resurrected its R&B chart in 1965, the focus of black popular music had
changed from classic rhythm and blues to the newer genre called "soul." Despite the change, "rhythm and blues"
continued to be used as a generic phrase that referred to any kind of music that was popular among black audiences.
See Joel Whitburn, Joel Whitburn's Top R&B Singles, 1942-1988 (Menomonee Falls, Wisc.: Record Research,
1988), 13-15. 2. For a description of rhythm-and-blues music, see Lynn Ellis McCutcheon, Rhythm and Blues: An
Experience and Adventure in its Origins and Development (Arlington, Va.: Beatty, 1971). For information about
rhythm-and-blues recordings, see Big Al Pavlow, The R & B Book: A Disc-History of Rhythm and Blues
(Providence, R.I.: Music House, 1983). 3. For information about the "Make Believe Ballroom" format, see Robert
G. White Jr., "Martin Block and WNEW: The Rise of the Recorded Music Radio Format 1934-1954" (Ph.D. diss.,
Bowling Green State University, 1981). 4. WDIA in Memphis is the subject of Louis Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale:
How WDIA-Memphis Became the Nation's First All-Black Radio Station and Created the Sound that Changed
America (New York: Pharos, 1992). Also see William Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," chap. in
Jannette L. Dates and William Barlow, eds., Split Image: African Americans in the Mass Media (Washington, D.C.:
Howard University, 1990), 209-12; and Wes Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll: Radio Deejays of the 50s and
60s (Marietta. Ga: Longstreet, 1989), 124-29. 5. Nat D. Williams also worked as a columnist for The Memphis
World newspaper, where he once wrote that WDIA's owners were more motivated by profit than sympathy for black
people. See Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 210. 6. Charles Sawyer, The Arrival of B.B. King
(New York: Da Capo, 1980), 62. 7. Theo "Bless My Bones" Wade acquired his unusual nickname when he
accidentally spilled hot coffee on himself during a broadcast. He exclaimed, "Doggone, bless my bones, I knocked
over my coffee." See Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 100. 8. Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 210-11.
9. "B.B." King's 1949 hits for the Tennessee-based Bulleit label included "I Got the Blues" and "When Your Baby
Packs Up and Goes." Bulleit recorded many prominent black performers including Cecil Gant, Wynonie Harris,
Guitar Slim and Roosevelt Sykes. 10. Sawyer, The Arrival of B.B. King, 62-64 11. Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 134;
and Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 128-29. Part of the rhyme is adapted from the lyrics to the record
"Loose As a Goose" by Cecil Gant, the flip side of a 1946 regional hit called "Nashville Jumps." 12. Nelson
George, The Death of Rhythm and Blues (New York: Pantheon, 1988), 49. 13. Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 92. 14.
Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 126. 15. George, Death of Rhythm and Blues, 49. 16. Margaret McKee
and Fred Chisenhall, Beale Street Black and Blue (Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University), 94, cited in
Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 210. 17. Sawyer, The Arrival of B.B. King, 61. 18. "Notes from
the R.&B. Beat," Billboard, Dec. 1954; reprinted in Galen Gart, ed., First Pressings: The History of Rhythm and
Blues, Vol. 4, 1954 (Milford, N.H.: Big Nickel, 1990), 129; and "Station WDIA's Goodwill Revue Skedding Another
Bill of Top Talent," Billboard, 1 Dec. 1956; reprinted in Galen Gart, ed., First Pressings: The History of Rhythm
and Blues, Vol. 6, 1956 (Milford, N.H.: Big Nickel, 1991), 150. 19. Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 149. 20. Erik
Barnouw, The Golden Web: A History of Broadcasting in the United States (New York: Oxford University, 1968),
289. 21. Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 213. 22. George, Death of Rhythm and Blues, 44-45. 23.
Barnouw, The Golden Web, 289. 24. Jack Gibson, "Black Trivia," Jack the Rapper, 10 Apr. 1991, 24. 25. Smith,
The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 108. 26. Ibid., 77. 27. Cantor, Wheelin' on Beale, 165. 28. Bernard E. Garnett,
How Soulful is "Soul" Radio? (Nashville, Tenn: Race Relations Information Center, 1970), 9, cited in R. Dwight
Bachman, Dynamics of Black Radio: A Research Report (Washington, D.C.: Creative Universal Products, Inc.,
1977), 13; and "Spinners Capture Big White Audience" Ebony, Dec. 1947, 49. 29. U. S. Bureau of the Census, U. S
.Census of the Population: 1950, vol. 2, Characteristics of the Population, Part I, United States Summary
(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1953), 138-39; and U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of the
Population: 1960, vol. 1, Characteristics of the Population, Part I, United States Summary (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1964), 176-78. 30. "Negro Population in 47 U.S. Cities," Sponsor, 26 Sept. 1960, 20.
31. "Negro 'Voice ' is Heard," Sponsor, 26 Aug. 1963, 10. 32. "Their Community Roots Are Spreading," Sponsor, 9
Oct. 1961, 37. 33. "Negro 'Voice' is Heard," 10. 34. See "WOOK-TV Is Flourishing with 100% Negro Schedule,"
Sponsor, 26 Aug. 1963, 15-16, 20. 35. The lists in this chapter were based, in part, on Sponsor's annual "Negro
Station Profiles." Also see a 1959 list of stations that offered Negro-appeal programming at least 50 percent of the
time, "Negro Station Programming," Sponsor, 26 Sept. 1959, 36-38. 36. Billboard, 24 Feb. 1951; reprinted in Galen
Gart, ed., First Pressings: The History of Rhythm and Blues, Vol. 2, 1950-1951 (Milford, N.H.: Big Nickel, 1986),
553. 37. Barlow, "Commercial and Noncommercial Radio," 214. 38. Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 135-36.
39. Cora Selman-Earnest, "Black Owned Radio and Television Stations in the United States from 1950-1982: A
Descriptive Study" (Ph.D. diss., Wayne State University, 1985), 86. 40. WJLB advertisement in Sponsor, 26 Sept.
1960, 37. 41. Richard S. Kahlenberg, "Negro Radio," The Negro History Bulletin 29, no. 6, (March 1966), 128.
Although Al Benson performed on WAAF in Chicago, it should be noted that this was a station that did not use a
rhythm-and-blues format. WAAF chose to broadcast jazz and adult-oriented music for its older, middle-class black
audience. For a comprehensive analysis of Chicago 's Negro-appeal radio, see Norman W. Spaulding, "The History
of Black-Oriented Radio in Chicago, 1929-1963" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1981). 42. Kahlenberg, "Negro
Radio," 142; and Spaulding, "History of Black-Oriented Radio in Chicago, 1929-1963," 49-50. 43. Johnny Keyes,
Du-Wop (Chicago: Vesti, 1987), 28. 44. Arnold Passman, The Deejays (New York: Macmillan, 1971), 186. 45.
"All-Negro Staff for WNJR," Billboard, 14 Nov. 1953; reprinted in Galen Gart, ed., First Pressings: The History of
Rhythm and Blues, Vol. 3, 1953 (Milford, N.H.: Big Nickel, 1989), 90. 46. Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll,
73. 47. "Notes from the R.&B. Beat," Billboard, Oct. 1956; reprinted in Gart, ed., First Pressings, Vol. 6, 133. 48.
WLIB advertisements in Radio Annual from 1950 to 1960. See Radio Annual (New York: Radio-and-Television
Pub.). 49. Ibid. 50. Ibid. 51 Fred Ferretti, "The White Captivity of Black Radio," Columbia Journalism Review 9,
no. 2 (Summer 1970): 35. 52. Rick Sklar, Rocking America: An Insider's Story (New York: St. Martin's, 1984), 28.
At the time, Sklar was assistant program director at WINS. 53. John A. Jackson, Big Beat Heat: Alan Freed and
the Early Years of Rock & Roll (New York: Schirmer, 1991), 77-80. 54. "Radio & Television," Time, 7 Oct. 1957,
62-64. 55. Mark Newman, Entrepreneurs of Profit and Pride: From Black-Appeal to Radio Soul (New York:
Praeger, 1988), 86. 56. Smith, The Pied Pipers of Rock 'n' Roll, 78-80. 57. Steve Propes, interview by author, by
telephone, Long Beach, Calif., 16 Aug. 1992; and Bill Earl, interview by author, by telephone, Montebello, Calif., 16
Aug. 1992. 58. For a comprehensive look at border radio, see Gene Fowler and Bill Crawford, Border Radio (Austin,
Texas: Austin Monthly Press, 1987). 59. "Negro-Appeal Radio's Getting the Business," Sponsor, 26 Sept. 1959, 10.

jesseblayton.jpg

Jesse B. Blayton, Sr. made radio history when he became the first African-American to own and operate a radio station in America.
Blayton was born December 6, 1897 in Fallis, Oklahoma and studied at the Walton School of Chicago and the University of Chicago. He moved to Atlanta in 1922 and became Georgia’s first African-American Certified Public Accountant six years later.
By the 1940s, Jesse B. Blayton, Sr. had become a bank president and a professor at Atlanta University. In 1949, he purchased 1,000-watt station WERD/Atlanta and hired his son Jesse Blayton Jr. as station manager.
The younger Blayton hired radio veteran Jack Gibson to be an announcer and Ken Knight to be program director. WERD’s “black appeal” format became an instant success with African-American listeners. By 1951, Gibson—using the on-air name “Jockey Jack”—was Atlanta’s most popular disc jockey. During the 1960s, the station shared building space with the Southern Christian Leadership Council and provided a platform for civil rights activists to make their voices heard.
Blayton sold WERD in 1968 and remained active in community affairs until his death.
Jesse B. Blayton, Sr. died on September 7, 1977.
Jesse B. Blayton, Sr. was inducted into the Radio Hall of Fame in 1995. 

 

daisybates.jpg

The Bravest Woman I Have Ever Known"

By: Macy V. Butler

 

The Day We Hope For

When we can live in peace and harmony with one another, irrespective of race, color, creed....When that day arrives we will be contented, Then, we all can boast of our DEMOCRACY, and NOT until then.

L.C. Bates (1941)

In celebration of Black History Month I want to share one of my personal stories about the bravest woman I have ever known. In all of the years that I knew her, she was simply known to me as, Mrs. Bates.

I was born in Little Rock, Arkansas in March of 1953. My parents Lawrence Clayborn (L.C.)& Fannie Lou Butler were lifelong residents of Little Rock and we lived in a duplex on 1411 N. St. Ringo St. Ringo St. was a regularly traveled street because it was a straight walk or drive from 9th St, which was where the bulk of the black businesses in Little Rock were located to the very southern end of town. A lot of Little Rock’s influential blacks lived close to Ringo St. Dunbar High School later Dunbar Junior High School was on 18th & Ringo St. Dunbar Community Center and Gibbs Elementary School are on 16th & Ringo.

Beginning on 14th Street was Mrs. Marshall’s Confectionary Store where I began working at age seven bagging sandwiches and confectionary. The confectionary was cookies, candies, soda pop, pickles and ice cream. I made fifty cents and ate whatever I wanted. Mrs. Marshall was a very nice lady and was the sister-in-law to Thurgood Marshall. He would visit whenever he was in town.

Across the street was my church Mount Pleasant Missionary Baptist Church one of the largest and oldest black churches in Little Rock pastored by Reverend Wesley E. Hayes. At the end of the block heading towards 15th St. was Taylor’s Cleaners and behind it was Mr. Mansker’s Barbershop. From the time I was seven years old I lived right in the midst of everyday opportunities to earn money through various means. Sandwiched from the east was Philander Smith College (two blocks from my house) and to the west Arkansas Baptist College (four blocks from my house). These were two private old established black colleges.

My grandmother, Jerushia Trowser was the best seamstress and tailor in the area, mending and making dresses and suits for black and white people in Little Rock. She lived at 1413 Ringo St. just two doors from us. My grandmother was self-employed and she did work for most of the local cleaners both black and white. I spent many days helping her as a youth pinning patterns, picking up the scrap cuttings, which would later be made into a blanket or something, and as I grew older she allowed me to cut out the patterns. My grandmother would specially make dress suits for some of the hard to fit men in the city and for the women church dresses for special occasions. She also prepared lunches for the men at the barbershop, ACME drycleaners employees and Dunbar Community Center staff. She earned a good living never needing to ask anyone for help. But I as grew older I became too macho and masculine for sewing, "boys don’t sew." If only I knew the salary a good tailor makes today.

My best friend during the early and mid sixties was Michael Taylor who lived in the same duplex next door. Mike was about two years older than I was and his grandparents owned Taylor’s Cleaners across the street, which was also a long established neighborhood-gathering place. His mother, Ruth was divorced and worked as a registered nurse at the hospital. As teens Mike and I operated a shoeshine parlor out of the cleaners that made us good steady money. We specialized a spit shine polish on the State Troopers black boots and soon all the law enforcement guys were dropping their shoes off to be polished by us. We charged $7.00 a pair, which was a lot of money in those days but the shine, would last a good week.

Ever the hustler (I did not know the word entrepreneur in those days) when I was about ten or eleven years old I began cutting yards during the spring and summer months. My services were unique from the other kids who cut grass because I also edged the sidewalks, swept the front and back porch and raked up my clippings for the same price. Sometimes my dad would help me the first time to make the yard look perfect. Afterwards I just basically kept them maintained, which was a snap. A lot of my extra money came from the tips for well-done job. After a while I was cutting most of the yards in my neighborhood while at the same time operating a JET magazine distributorship.

During those days the JET magazine was a vital link for national news in the local black communities but only a few was generally sold infrequently at the local barber and beauty shops. My distributorship was a door-to-door service weekly. Soon it got to be that when I brought your JET magazine to your house to read while I cut your grass. It was a good business that I did for several years. The Jet cost me $.20 and I charged $.27. A lot of times my customers would give me $.30 and tell me to keep the change. Growing up I paid for most of my clothes, movies, the pool hall and the stuff I wanted.

One of my customers was Mr. Lucius Christopher Bates. I called him Mr. L.C. I guess he saw something in my hustling nature and get up and go spirit. He hired me to cut their grass once a week and sometimes help out around the house doing minor cleaning household chores for his wife, Mrs. Bates. Another thing I guess that drew me closer to him was that he and my father had similar first names L.C. People called my father by two names L.C. or "Bootleg". People called Mr. Bates, L.C.

It was shortly after the assassination of JFK in 1963 when I first met Mrs. Bates. I was too young and naďve to know and understand her accomplishments of what she did and especially had no clue of what happened in 1957-58. I only knew her as a nice lady who was beautiful to look at and very intelligent. She always showed a motherly smile and took interest in what I was doing as a youth. The chores that she had me do were not hard work. Twice a month I would clean the baseboards, windowsills; clean the large glass windows in the family room and living room plus any other odd and ends that she wanted.

Their home was somewhat deceptive because when you entered from the front it appeared to be a single story house. But the home was split-leveled with a lower living area in the back of the house. They had a large yard that was fenced in from all sides with neighboring houses around them. There was no alley on that block which in those days was somewhat unusual. She kept her home immaculate because people were always stopping by.

The lady that I only knew as Mrs. Bates is Daisy Bates who was one of the great civil rights leaders of the twentieth century. In 1954 the United States Supreme Court (Brown v Board of Education) ruled that segregating students by race in public schools must end. Many southern cities resisted the high court’s order to integrate schools. In 1957, as the rest of the country watched with bated breath, Little Rock, Arkansas was polarized in a civil rights battle that would forever change American life. At the very center of the Little Rock battle was Daisy Bates, a feisty and determined NAACP Coordinator who shepherd nine children to becoming the first black students ever to integrate Central High School known as the "Little Rock Nine".

As a young child I was too young to remember and understand the historic events that were happening around me and even as a child growing up around the Bate’s and their home life, I never knew the significance. You did not see a lot of things around their home that gave many clues other than they ran a newspaper.

The lady I knew made delicious lemonade and served it in glasses. She was insistent that we learn to drink out of and use glass utensils properly. There were no plastic cups or mayonnaise jars in that house. Whenever she assigned me chores she would give clear instructions and then would allow you to work independently only checking when you said you completed the task. They did not have any children but every child in the neighborhood knew them.

When I turned 14 I joined the NAACP Youth Council and our meetings were at Mrs. Bates’ home. By this time she was traveling a lot around the country and we worked with Ms. Green who was the youth advisor. Mr. LC though was ailing was still active in the community but did not travel as much as Mrs. Bates so I saw more of him as I grew older.

Born Daisy Lee Gatson in Huttig, a small sawmill town in far southern Arkansas nears the Louisiana border. It was in Huttig that fifteen-year-old Daisy Lee Gatson met her future husband, Lucius Christopher Bates a tall thin insurance man who stopped by to sell Daisy’s father a policy. L.C. Bates and Daisy’s father became friends. L.C. Bates born in Liberty, Mississippi was the son of a Baptist minister and had many advantages compared to most young black people of his time. He was at least 13 years older than Daisy. Their courtship is somewhat murky and there are several interpretations but in 1941 Daisy and L.C. moved to Little Rock and started the Arkansas State Press newspaper.

Some of the things Mrs. Bates did to change discrimination may seem unimportant at first glance. For example, Daisy frequently and firmly insisted on being called "Mrs. Bates". One of the ways white people reminded blacks that they were considered inferior was by calling them by their first names, as one would do a child. Sometimes white people wouldn’t even bother with a black person’s name; they would just bark out, "Hey you, girl…" or "Come here, boy." Daisy refused to tolerate this indignity. I guess that is why I didn’t know she was famous "Daisy Bates" until I was in high school and college. She was always Mrs. Bates to me until she died in Little Rock on November 4, 1999.

On Tuesday, September 3, 1957 a small group of black students would enter the city’s previously all-white Central High School. Having fought for school integration for many years, Arkansas NAACP state president Daisy was now becoming the black student’s chief mentor and spokesperson. She knew that integrating central wouldn’t be easy. White people insisted on maintaining segregated schools were forming committees, some of which vowed to block the entry of the black students by any means possible.

Mrs. Bates was known through out Arkansas as the champion of school integration. Those who favored it viewed her as a heroine, while opponents considered her a troublemaker. Quite a few black people were wary of her because she displayed an inner strength that few had. Having been oppressed for so many years, they feared that Mrs. Bates would only bring down more trouble on their heads.

Many assumed that Daisy handpicked the students who were selected to integrate Central High, when actually Little Rock School Superintendent Virgil Blossom chose them. With recommendations from the city’s black junior and senior high school over eighty names were submitted. Far more than he wanted to start with he told the principals to weed out applicants who were not "mentally and emotionally equipped for this transition." By this method, the number of applicants was reduced from eighty to thirty-two. Mr. Blossom held individual conferences with the thirty-two remaining pupils and their families. He convinced fifteen young people that Central High wasn’t right for them for one reason or another. Seventeen remained. As the tension mounted in the weeks before school opened, seven more students backed out. That left ten youngsters to begin integrating Central High School, which had admitted only white students since opening in 1927.

Although she hadn’t chosen the ten students, Mrs. Bates began meeting with them at her home. They included students entering the last three years of high school: sophomore, junior, and senior years. The ten young people were: Minnijean Brown, Elizabeth Eckford, Ernest Green, Jane Hill, Thelma Mothershed, Melba Pattillo, Gloria Ray, Terrence Roberts, Jefferson Thomas and Carlotta Walls.

It was not until the evening of August 22 did Daisy Bates fully realize how dangerous the segregationist could be. On that Thursday night, Mrs. Bates watched the eleven-pm news on her living room TV. The news was disturbing. That evening a local segregationist group called the Capital Citizens’ Council had hosted a dinner at Little Rock’s Hotel Marion. They had brought in Georgia’s governor, Marvin Griffin, as the featured speaker. Some 350 people had paid $10 (the equivalent of about $70 in today’s money) apiece to hear Governor Griffin denounce the Supreme Court’s school integration order. Forcing previously all-white schools to admit black students as an attack on the South’s "way of life" and an attempt "by force to destroy our government," Governor Griffin told the cheering audience. He urged white southerners to resist integration and called the Capital Citizen’s Council a "courageous group of Arkansas patriots who are fighting a dedicated battle to preserve the rights of states."

What a perversion of the word ‘patriot", thought Daisy Bates as she watched the broadcast. "Patriot" was usually applied to people like George Washington, Nathan hale, and Benjamin Franklin. How could a group of white people who wanted to exclude black teenagers from an all-white high school be called "patriots"? But the most harmful aspect of the Capital Citizens’ Council gathering was the effect it could have on the Arkansas governor, Orval Faubus.

Up to that point it hadn’t been clear whether Governor Faubus would go along with the school integration plan or oppose it. Griffin’s rousing reception made it more likely that Faubus would cave in to the segregationists and try to keep the black students out of Central High. Faubus and Griffin certainly appeared to be in agreement. Griffin was staying at Faubus’s guesthouse, and the two governors were having breakfast together the next morning.

Following the news broadcast, Mrs. Bates switched off the TV and took Skippy, the family cocker spaniel, out for his final walk of the day. Upon returning home, Mrs. Bates sat down on the living room couch by the picture window and began leafing through a newspaper. Daisy Bate was glancing through a newspaper when suddenly she heard what sounded like an explosion. The forty-three-year-old civil rights leader and newspaper publisher instinctively hit the floor and covered her head. L.C. ran into the room and found his wife lying on the floor.

"Are you hurt? Are you hurt?" L.C. asked.

Although covered with glass and bleeding slightly from numerous small cuts, daisy was otherwise unharmed. "I don’t think so," she answered. Rising to her feet, she picked up the rock that had burst through the picture window. A note was attached to the rock by a string. Unfolding the paper, Mrs. Bates read the note and then showed it to her husband.

THE NEXT WILL BE DYNAMITE

K.K.K.

"A message from the Arkansas Patriots," said Daisy Bates, sarcastically mocking the Georgia governor’s speech. She and L.C. knew that "K.K.K." stood for Ku Klux Klan, a racist hate group known for violence against black people.

"Thank God their aim was poor." Said L.C. He called the police, but they had little interest in trying to find out who had thrown the rock.

The couple patched up the window with masking tape, and then went to bed, but Daisy couldn’t sleep. She kept reliving the moment the rock had hit the window, when she had thought the house was being bombed. All through the night questions raced through her mind.

Might some racist actually dynamite their home? What would the bigots do to the black students when they tried to enter Central High in less than two weeks? What would Governor Faubus do? Would the segregationists try to destroy the newspaper that had provided a living for L.C. and Daisy Bates for the past sixteen years?

As State President of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People I was in the front-line trenches. Was I ready for war? Was I ready to risk everything that L.C. and I had built? Who was I really and what did I stand for? Toward dawn I knew I had found the answer. Daisy Bates finally drifted off to sleep, no longer plagued by doubt or uncertainty.

L.C. had a permit to carry a loaded revolver. He, Daisy, and several friends, including their next-door neighbor, a dentist named Garman Freeman, began taking turns guarding the Bates home at night. By this time daisy Bates was receiving so many threats by phone and letter that, for protection, she placed a loaded gun in her car’s glove compartment.

On Tuesday, August 27, Mrs. Clyde A. Thomason, Mothers’ League recording secretary, filed suit seeking a temporary injunction-a court order preventing the integration of Central High.

On Tuesday, August 29, Pulaski County Judge, Murray O. Reed heard Mrs. Thomason’s suit. She testified that in "strict confidence" that there would be violence at the school between white and colored boys if the school opened as integrated. Many witnesses who came forward to refute her claim was Little Rock Chief of Police Marvin Potts, School Superintendent Virgil Blossom and Dr. William Cooper Jr., a surgeon who was president of the Little Rock School Board.

But a surprise witness supported Mrs. Thomason’s claims. Arkansas governor Orval Faubus walked into the courtroom and testified he personally knew of cases in which guns had been seized from black and white students. Largely because of the governor’s testimony, Judge reed ruled in Mrs. Thomason’s favor granting the injunction against starting integration.

The racist celebrated Judge Reed’s decision. On the night of August 29, people drove past the Bates home; honking their horns and shouting Daisy, Daisy did you hear the news? The coons won’t be going to Central!"

But the next day, Friday, August 30, NAACP attorneys Wiley Branton and Thurgood Marshall went before the U.S. District Court asking to have Judge Reed’s order overruled Judge Ronald Davies ruled that integration must proceed as planned. Furthermore, he issued an order that no one interfere with the black students entering the school. By August 30 Arkansas officials began trying to intimidate Mrs. Bates. Attorney General Bruce Bennett sent her a letter demanding that she answer fourteen questions relating to the Arkansas NAACP’s operations, memberships and finances. Mrs. Bates refused to answer his questions and two years later the United States Supreme Court ruled that such demands "violate freedom of speech and assembly guaranteed by the First Amendment."

On Labor Day, September 2, 1957 that night at nine o’ clock, 300 Arkansas National Guardsmen began to surround Central High. Governor Faubus had called these emergency troops to active duty-why was not known. At ten-fifteen pm the governor spoke on local TV and radio. He was vague about his reasons for calling out the Arkansas National Guard while claiming that "they will not act as segregationist or integrationist, but as soldiers" there to keep the peace. Then he revealed which side he had taken. "It is my opinion that it will not be possible to restore or maintain order and protect the lives and property of the citizens if forcible integration is carried out tomorrow. The school, for the time being, must be operated on the same basis as they have in the past." In other words, for an unspecified period the ten black students must stay out of Central High.

Classes at Central began at eight-forty-five AM on Tuesday, September 3rd. The National Guardsmen, as well as a crowd of 400 white adults, watched as nearly 2,000 students, none of them black entered the school. The only black person at the scene was L.C. Bates, who came as a reporter. At one point a group of out-of-town racist rushed toward L.C., probably to try to beat him up. Suddenly, he reached into his pocket. Local whites warned the out-of-towners that Bates had a permit to carry a loaded gun, and the thugs backed off. When asked by visiting white newsmen how he had summoned the nerve to face the mob, L.C. quipped: "I just came by to add some color to the occasion."

Superintendent Blossom and the school board were uncertain about what they should do so they asked Federal Judge Ronald Davies for instructions. The judge announced his decision that evening. The ruling was that the students would enter Central High the next day, September 4.

L.C. hadn’t gone to Central High on September 3 just to report on the start of school for the State Press. He wanted to see the size and the mood of the crowd. When he told her about the thugs who had been about to rush him, her worries grew. People went in and out of the Bates house that night asking what she thought would happen and what she planned to do. One of them was the Reverend J.C. Crenshaw, president of the Little Rock NAACP, associate pastor of Mount Pleasant Missionary Baptist Church and one of the men who baptized me at age eight.

"Maybe," she said, "we could round up a few ministers to go with the children tomorrow. Maybe then the mob won’t attack them." Superintendent Blossom asked both the white and black ministers to stay away from the school because their presence might inflame the bigots. She phoned the Little Rock Police to request that a squad car be stationed at 12th and Park Street before eight-thirty the next morning to protect the black students. Yes, they promised, but they could not escort the children all the way to Central.

It took her until three a.m. to complete the phones call to the students, however she was not able to reach Elizabeth Eckford because her family did not have a telephone. Mrs. Bates considered going to the railroad station, where she thought Elizabeth’s father worked nights, but she was so tired that she decided to sleep a few hours and contact Elizabeth in the morning.

When she awoke, Mrs. Bates called the NAACP’s New York Headquarters for a final briefing and moral support. Daisy and L.C. got into their car and began driving towards Twelfth and Park. On the way they switched on the radio and heard a news bulletin: "A negro girl is being mobbed at central High…" "Oh, my God!" Daisy Bates cried in horror. She had forgotten to notify Elizabeth that they were meeting and driving to school together.

Elizabeth, unaware of the plan, had taken a bus to school. Wearing a black and white dress she had made for her first day of classes, carrying a green notebook, Elizabeth stepped off of the bus at about eight a.m. and began walking the final block to Central High. Outside the school she saw a line of armed Guardsmen and a crowd of some 400 white people. At frit Elizabeth was glad to see the National Guardsmen and assumed they were there to protect her. But whenever she tried to get past them to enter the school, the guards blocked her path, even raising their bayonets to keep her away. At the same time the Guardsmen allowed the white students through. Noticing that the lone black student was trying to get into the school, the crowd closed in on her, yelling, "Lynch her!" and "Go home, black bitch!" Elizabeth recall, "I tried to see a friendly face somewhere in the mob-somebody who maybe would help. I looked into the face of an old woman, but when I looked at her again, she spat on me."

Not knowing what to do Elizabeth returned to the bus stop all while the crowd shouted threats, followed her, as did several newsmen and photographers. For what probably seemed like an eternity she sat there until L.C. Bates and a white woman named Grace Lorch walked up to comfort and protect her. The mob figured it was natural for Mr. Bates to aid one of his people, for they left him alone, but they hurled insults at Mrs. Lorch and also present Dr. Benjamin Fine, New York Times education editor, "Nigger lover!" and "Dirty Jew." After a few minutes a bus came and Elizabeth boarded it, leaving the ugly mob behind.

The nine of students stepped out of the cars, with two minister leading the way and two bringing up the rear, the students began walking to Central High in a line. The racist hated Mrs. Bates so intensely that her presence at the school might spark a riot, so she and others remained in the cars.

Led by Lieutenant Colonel Marion Johnson the students were halted and prevented from entering the school, on orders of the governor Faubus. Soon the whole nation knew what had happened, for TV crews, reporters, and photographers had recorded the day’s events. In fact, over the next few months the Little Rock school crisis became one of the first ongoing news stories covered by on-site television crews.

Following the tense events of September 4, 1957, Jane Hill decided to attend all-black Horace Mann High School. The remaining Black students who wanted to enter Central High were given a nickname by which they became known to the world; "the Little Rock Nine." During that time the president of the United States; Dwight D. Eisenhower was furious at Governor Faubus for defying the U.S. Supreme Court’s order to integrate the schools. After threatening to arrest the governor, Faubus recalled the National Guard from Central. Months later Eisenhower called in the 101st Airborne Division of the U.S. Army to escort the students to class during the 1957 crisis and Central High School was finally integrated.

Those known as the "Little Rock Nine" were of course older but I grew up, played with and dated some of their younger brothers and sisters. Carlotta Walls lived two houses from us.

I have related just a small portion of the events and what happened at Central High School during 1957-58. The complete story may be read in the Power of One, Daisy Bates and the Little Rock Nine and Daisy Bates, Civil Right Crusader.

Mrs. Bates the woman I knew as a young impressionable boy growing up in Little Rock, was a woman of immense courage, faith, compassion and love all wrapped into a feisty, strong-willed and opinionated woman who was just one of the many excellent examples of humanity I grew to know and love. The last time I talked to Mrs. Bates was in 1996 at the age of 82 and wheel chair bound. She introduced me to another great lady who also was in a wheelchair. Her name was Rosa Parks.

Daisy Bates the bravest woman I have ever known.

Parents encourage your children to read more books about America’s heroes and heroines. History is only important until you have knowledge of it.

earlyhunter.gif

LA’s Soul Music Radio Pioneer

by Greg Hardison

 

 

REST IN PEACE: We have lost Hunter Hancock to the great R'n'B station

in the sky.  Hunter was THE pioneer in the airing of so-caled "Race

Music" in Los Angeles, beginning around 1943 on the old KFVD/1020.  It all started

with his one-hour-weekly Jazz show, which was crafted for African-American

audiences.  Several years later, a fortuitous meeting with a Record

rep talked Hunter into adding one "race" record per show.  Theresponse was

huge, and shortly thereafter, Hunter Hancock's show consisted of

nothing but "race" records, and had expanded to 3 1/2 hours daily.

Later in the '50s, Hunter added two nightly hours on competitor KGFJ/1230 (which later

spent thirty years as one of the Nation's premiere Rhythm 'n' Blues

stations.  Their historic record collection migrated over to the old KACE/103.9

in 1994, as KGFJ became "motivational talk" outlet KYPA, and

the Ace took over the L.A. R'n'B crown.  The format is no longer on the air in Los

Angeles, but the albums and CDs are at last word safe with a particular

expert-afficianado of the genre, who worked at both stations in their

latter years.)  By 1955, Hunter helmed a weekly half-hour show on KNXT (now

KCBS-TV), Channel 2, titled "Rhythm 'n' Bluesville",

spotlighting African-American artists.  The whole affair was a cultural awakening

for Hunter Hancock, born a white man in rural Texas, in 1916.  He was

profiled by <laradio.com>'s Don Barrett in 1999:  "Before Hunter

got to Los Angeles

he worked on the radio in San Antonio and Laredo.  'Where I came from

there was no respect for black people. In Los Angeles, my entire career I

played black music and worked with black people. They are wonderful people.

Thank God I changed,' Hunter said. You can imagine the shock of the black

people when he first appeared at concerts at Wrigley Field, sock hops, and

the Lincoln Theatre and they saw for the first time that the man leadingthe r&b

music radio charge was white. The white people were shocked to learn

that he was white. 'The black people accepted me because I was playing their

music when no one else was,' Hunter emphasized.  Some cultural observers

credit the widespread distribution and subsequent commercial appeal of R'n'B

(led particularly by Berry Gordy's Motown, from the early 1960's on) with

helping break down the racial barriers that had been in place in America

since its inception; I for one witnessed that sort of thing first-hand, growing

up in the Urban South.

 

 

ellis.jpg

Meet General Larry Ellis
The highest ranking african american officer in the U.S.Army

General Larry R. Ellis assumed command of U.S. Army Forces Command on November 19, 2001, following his assignment as the Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations and Plans, Department of the Army.

 With more than 35 years of Army service, General Ellis has served in the United States, Vietnam, Germany, the Republic of Korea, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. His command assignments include 1st  Armored Division, Germany; Multinational Division (North), Bosnia and Herzegovina; Assistant Division Commander, 2d Infantry Division, Korea; Brigade Commander, 3d Infantry Division, Germany; Battalion Commander, 5th Infantry Division, Fort Polk, La.; Company Commander, 101st Airborne Division, Vietnam; and 82d Airborne Division, Fort Bragg, N.C.

 His staff assignments included Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations and Plans; Assistant Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, Headquarters, Department of the Army; Assistant Chief of Staff, C3/J3/G3, United Nations Command/Combined Forces Command/United States Forces Korea/Eighth United States Army, Korea; Deputy Director for Strategic Planning and Policy, Headquarters, U.S. Pacific Command, Hawaii; Deputy Director, Military Personnel Management, Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, Headquarters, Department of the Army; Force Structure Analyst and Chief, Manpower and Force Structure Division, Program Analysis and Evaluation Directorate, Office of Chief of Staff, Headquarters, Department of the Army; Staff Officer, Headquarters, U. S. Army Europe, Germany; Staff and Faculty, U. S. Military Academy, West Point; Battalion Staff Officer, 101st Airborne Division, Vietnam; and Battalion Operations Officer, 82d Airborne Division, Fort Bragg, N.C.

 General Ellis awards include the Defense Distinguished Service Medal, the Army Distinguished Service Medal, the Defense Superior Service Medal, the Legion of Merit with two Oak Leaf Clusters, the Bronze Star Medal, the Meritorious Service Medal with two Oak Leaf Clusters, the Air Medal, the Army Commendation Medal with Oak Leaf Cluster, the National Defense Service Medal with three stars, the Armed Forces Expeditionary Medal, the Vietnam Service Medal with three stars, the Armed Forces Service Medal, the Vietnam Cross of Gallantry/Palm, the Korean Cheonsu Medal, the German Armed Forces Honor Cross (Gold), the NATO Medal, the Combat Infantryman Badge, the Senior Parachutist Badge, the Office of Secretary of Defense Staff Identification Badge, the Joint Chiefs of Staff Identification Badge, and the Army General Staff Identification Badge.

alanjessie.jpg

Loud and proud

When Los Angeles erupted in the bloodiest racial uprising of the 1960s,

the black citizens of Watts sent a message to the world, demanding that

their struggle be noticed. And it was; for the social, intellectual and

emotional rebellion that followed was played out to a soul soundtrack

that culminated, 30 years ago, in the biggest music event of the Black

Power era: Wattstax

James Maycock

Thursday July 18 2002

The Guardian

On August 20 1972, the expectant audience at the LA Coliseum in South

Central Los Angeles basked in hot Californian sun. Just before 3pm, soul

singer Kim Weston approached the centre stage mic and belted out the US

national anthem. As the Star-Spangled Banner resonated around the huge

auditorium, the 100,000-plus black crowd, well, they just chilled: the

stadium hummed with light conversation, some ate their picnics, others

twitched their noses with indifference. No one stood. Jesse Jackson,

dressed in what most self-respecting civil rights officials wore in 1972

- multicoloured dashiki, bushy sideburns and medallion - addressed the

crowd. Declaring "We've gone from 'burn, baby, burn' to 'learn, baby,

learn'", he urged everyone to repeat, "I Am Somebody!" Then Weston was

invited back to sing the black national anthem, Lift Every Voice And

Sing. As the first notes left her lips, the crowd bolted to its feet and

fists punched the air. And so began Wattstax, the biggest, baddest

musical event of the Black Power era, featuring most acts from the

Memphis-based Stax label.

 

Rewind to another sizzling weekend in LA, August 7 and 8 1965. This time

a less grandiose Stax Revue - including Wilson Pickett, the Astors and

Booker T And The MGs - is performing at the 700-capacity 5/4 Ballroom in

Watts. The budding Memphis record label is in town to raise its profile

on the west coast and the shows are promoted by Magnificent Montague

from local radio station KGFJ. Montague, a friend of Malcolm X -

assassinated six months earlier - is the originator of the expression

"Burn, baby, burn", which he yells wildly at the climax of a record.

It's become the slick phrase among black Los Angelenos, and Montague, as

MC, screams it between acts, inducing a female audience member to howl

deliriously, "Jump in that water and let it burn!"

 

The trip is deemed a modest triumph. Some Stax artists return to Memphis

on Monday, but the Astors leave on Wednesday, August 11. As their plane

flies above LA, they watch incredulously as thick coils of black smoke

billow out of Watts. Booker T, Steve Cropper and Al Jackson have

remained in town to record a session; that same day, Booker T slips out

of the studio for some air and sees National Guardsmen sprinting down

the street. Both Booker T and the Astors are witnessing the first

flashes of the Watts rebellion, the bloodiest racial uprising of the

1960s.

 

A little earlier, two black men, brothers Marquette and Ronald Frye, are

driving a 1950 Buick in South Central LA. They are stopped by the

California Highway Patrol at 116th Street and Avalon Boulevard, and

arguments ensue. The Fryes' mother arrives and is handcuffed. Marquette

is punched in the head and a car door swung into his legs, before he is

pushed into a police car and punched again. His mother is slapped in the

face and hit on the knee with a blackjack. Police motorcyclists mount

the sidewalk, aggressively breaking up the angry crowd that has

gathered. The LA Times later reports, "Rocks began flying, then wine and

whisky bottles, concrete, pieces of wood. The targets were anything

strange to the neighbourhood." The rage and violence swell rapidly.

Stationary cars are burnt, moving vehicles attacked. As night falls,

flickering fires light up Watts.

 

The next day, media coverage of the uprising tightens the pressure. It

is also the day of the first death: Leon Posey is shot by the LAPD

outside a barbers shop at 89th and Broadway. On the third day, Friday,

August 13, LAPD helicopters are fired at and the authorities admit that

south LA is out of their control. The police visit Magnificent Montague

after nervous citizens complain about his incendiary on-air use of

"Burn, baby, burn". Unwillingly, he switches it to "Have mercy, baby!"

 

Watts burnt for another three days until 16,000 National Guardsmen,

police and Highway Patrolmen quelled its 35,000 rebellious citizens -

$200m worth of damage was caused, and of the 34 dead, most were black

Americans. Charles Fizer, from the R&B group the Olympics, was among

them. More than 1,000 more were injured, including the comedian and

activist Dick Gregory, who was shot in the leg; 4,000 people were

arrested. President Johnson condemned the uprising, saying, "Our

conscience cries out against the hatred we heard last week. It bore no

relationship to the orderly struggle for civil rights that has ennobled

the last decade." But Senator Robert Kennedy commented, "There is no

point in telling Negroes to observe the law. It has almost always been

used against them."

 

Al Bell, former head of Stax, recalls watching the spectacle on

television and thinking, "Well, we just have some more African-Americans

that are tired of oppression." There was certainly an appalling record

of police brutality in Watts - the traditional training ground for

rookie cops - but poverty and unemployment had also pushed it over the

edge. In the 1950s, there had been a huge black migration west from

Texas and the south, inspired by a sense that Los Angeles was the

promised land. But the reality was very different. The booming film

industry was mostly off-limits to blacks, and poor public transport and

segregated housing impeded them from living near or commuting to major

industrial sites in LA. Slowly, Watts deteriorated. In the build-up to

August 1965, the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of

Colored People) was increasingly perceived by the LA black masses as a

middle-class institution that neglected their interests. Writing in the

New York Times Magazine just after the Watts uprising, social scientist

Kenneth B Clark described the rebellion as an attempt "by prisoners in

the ghetto to destroy their own prison".

 

The Watts insurrection symbolised a dramatic sea change in the civil

rights movement. It was the harbinger of the Black Power era, an age of

black consciousness and militancy. Civil rights acts passed in 1964 and

1965 had heightened expectations among African-Americans, but the mood

had turned to one of frustration as they observed only microscopic

shifts in their daily lives. The battle cry of "Burn, baby, burn" echoed

through the long, hot, violent summers of the second half of the 1960s.

The civil rights movement became more diverse as black militant groups

such as the Black Panthers emerged and the Student Nonviolent

Coordinating Committee, or SNCC ("Snick"), fronted by Stokely

Carmichael, kicked out its white members. Faith in passive resistance

diminished and was eclipsed, in part, by a more aggressive black

nationalism. Yet, despite the media's focus on its revolutionary

rhetoric and "Get Whitey" braggadocio, Black Power's main goals were

attaining political, economic and psychological strength.

 

A friend of Martin Luther King, Stax Records boss Al Bell recalls that,

after King's assassination in 1968, "Blacks all of a sudden wondered if

it was a hopeless situation because here was the guy who talked about

turning the other cheek and all of a sudden he was killed." Bell

believes that "Black Power was no more than black people saying, 'We Are

Somebody!' " but he also identifies it as "an intellectual, social and

emotional rebellion taking place among a people, and it manifested

itself in the music".

 

Before the music, however, came the Watts Summer Festival: without that,

there would have been no Wattstax, says Tommy Jacquette, a Watts

resident who played "an active part" in the 1965 rebellion. The first

festival, in 1966, was, he says, "a cultural celebration" that "came

straight out of the ashes of the 1965 revolt" and was a "memorial for

the 34 people who died".

 

The Watts Writers Workshop was also created in the wake of the uprising.

Funded in part by Hollywood scriptwriter Budd Schulberg (On The

Waterfront), this was where the Watts poet and aspiring scriptwriter

Richard Dedeaux met Amde Hamilton and Otis O'Solomon, who formed the

Watts Prophets. Performing regularly at the Summer Festival, they

released their first album, Rappin' Black In A White World, in 1971. It

included the track Amerikkka, in which the Prophets screamed, "Ask not

what you can do for your country, 'cause what in the fuck has it done

for you?" - lyrics, says Dedeaux, "that automatically got us on the

Un-American Activities list".

 

Stax, meanwhile, had catapulted from "the little label that could" into

a mighty corporate institution to rival Motown. It was also branching

out into film. In 1972, the concert promoter Forest Hamilton was in LA,

tentatively establishing a movie arm, Stax West, when he was introduced

to Dedeaux. Hamilton invited Dedeaux to Memphis to work on a film script

and it was through this collaboration that the idea for a benefit

concert was born. The idea generated excitement at Stax, but as more

musicians offered to perform for free, the label struggled to find a

suitable venue. A slightly nervous LAPD suggested the LA Coliseum - home

to the LA Rams - because "they didn't want to see that many black people

in Watts 'uncorralled'!" says Jacquette, the man responsible for turning

the Watts Summer Festival into an annual event. But "It was a win/win

for all of us. Their motives were different, but it was still a

win/win."

 

Finally, a date was set: Sunday, August 20 1972, the last day of the

Watts Summer Festival. Mayor Yorty declared it "Wattstax Day" and for

one extraordinary Sunday, the LA Coliseum metamorphosed into a riot of

funky, soulful music, black pride, zebra-striped flop hats, gymnastic

dancing, electric-yellow hotpants, Afros of inordinate volume and flares

of unnatural width. Dedeaux remembers: "It was electrical, man. The

radio stations started playing it up, giving away tickets. Everybody

just really got into it. It was a magic thing."

 

At $1 a pop, tickets were affordable to everyone. Stax underwrote most

of the expenses and Schlitz beer acted as sponsors. Magnificent

Montague's former radio station broadcast the event live and Al Bell

hired an LA production company to film it.

 

Weston's renditions of both national anthems and Jackson's speech, in

which he spoke of "liberation through music", kicked off six hours of

fat, full-bodied Stax sounds. Famous black entertainers, including Shaft

star Richard Roundtree, presented each act, and Melvin Van Peebles,

director of the film Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song, introduced the

first, the Staple Singers.

 

With Pops Staples dressed in a dazzling white safari suit and Mavis

Staples sporting large hoop earrings, the group launched into Heavy

Makes You Happy, followed by black pride anthems Respect Yourself and I

Like The Things About Me. Of the latter, Mavis says, "We felt it was a

good song to sing at that event. With Pops saying, 'There was a time I

wished my hair was fine.' Well, no. Not any more. We want our hair the

way we came here with it - nappy. That's what was happening. Black

people were showing they were proud to be black. We were singing songs

to lift the people." In the middle of this bluesy number, with his

guitar set in tremolo, Pops rapped a history lesson to the crowd,

declaring, "No nationality could go through what we been through and

survive like the black people." He quoted James Brown - "Say it loud,

I'm black and I'm proud" - and praised "our own Black Moses, Isaac

Hayes".

 

Just before the Bar-Kays launched into Son Of Shaft, their saxophonist,

balancing a huge white Afro wig on his head, boomed, "Freedom is a road

seldom travelled by the multitude." Both this and Jackson's holler, "I

don't know what the world is coming to!" were sampled years later by

Public Enemy on their opus of rage, It Takes A Nation Of Millions To

Hold Us Back. Despite the uncompromising tone of some performances, the

atmosphere was one of celebration. For one hot day, the LA Coliseum

flipped into an outrageous fashion parade as the crowd posed, strolled,

strutted and checked each other out; Wattstax buzzed with the bonhomie

of Woodstock and Monterey.

 

Amazingly, says Al Bell, "We were able to cut a deal with the city. We

had only black police officers, and not one of them had a gun." There

were "no riots, no fights", according to Bell, in spite of a

112,000-strong audience and a significant gang presence - at one point

in the film, Tookie, head of the Watts Crips, is seen signalling to gang

members in the crowd.

 

Most of the Stax roster performed at Wattstax, including Eddie Floyd and

Albert King, Hayes and Rufus Thomas. As the sun dipped below the

Pacific, "the world's oldest teenager" took to the stage in hot-pink

cape and shorts, and white go-go boots, imploring, "Ain't I clean?"

before causing uproar with Do The Funky Chicken. Flapping his arms and

clucking, Thomas invited the crowd to invade the sacred turf of the

pitch. Within seconds, 5,000 people were doing the funky chicken right

in front of the stage.

 

But if Thomas was the court clown, Isaac "Big Ike" Hayes was the king of

Wattstax. The roar of police motorbikes - lights flashing - signalled

that he was in the building. The atmosphere was eye-popping. Sporting a

huge brown flop hat and a psychedelic-print cape, Hayes mounted the

stage. Jesse Jackson, standing next to him, yelled, "Do we want to see

Isaac Hayes? Brothers and sisters, we are about to bring forth a bad,

bad ... " On the point of blurting out the oedipal expletive, Jackson

gushed, "I'm a preacher, I can't say it!" With the theme from Shaft

throbbing in the background, Hayes ripped off his cape, revealing a

thick gold chain vest. "Shaft" and "Black Moses" flashed wildly on the

huge screen. The crowd screamed and Jackson looked thrilled.

 

Hayes performed for an hour. His set included Shaft and Soulsville, and

an extraordinary 18-minute version of Bill Withers' Ain't No Sunshine,

before it came down to rest with a mellow I Stand Accused. Wattstax drew

to a close with Kim Weston singing If I Had A Hammer with the audience.

 

Today, Jacquette remembers that there wasn't "one single problem" at

Wattstax. He was delighted that the event contradicted the racist

stereotype that a large number of black people "can't get together

without having a revolt". "It was," he says, "a day of unity."

 

It was not the first time the community had displayed such togetherness.

The sleeve notes to the two double live Wattstax albums stressed an

explicit connection between the riots and Wattstax, saluting the

citizens of Watts in 1965, "who stood together and demanded to be

heard". In a documentary film about Wattstax, director Mel Stuart

(responsible for Willy Wonka And The Chocolate Factory a year earlier)

created an unflinching portrait of the Watts community, who rapped about

racism, civil rights, relationships, the blues, Vietnam and social

changes since 1965. This was intercut with news archive of the '65

uprising and images of Black Power politicians. A kind of Greek chorus

was presented by a fledgling Richard Pryor, whose mischievous monologues

glue the film together: "They accidentally shoot more niggers out here

than any place else in the world. Every time I pick up the paper -

'Nigger accidentally shot in the ass'." The film was released by

Columbia Pictures and kicked off the Cannes Film Festival in 1973. In

Lagos, Wattstax was a hot draw.

 

But the event was not without its critics. Stax artist Donald "Duck"

Dunn grumbled, "Were they doing it for the people in LA or to promote Al

Bell in LA?" In his defence, Bell insists, "That's the American way!"

The original intent was to raise money for the Watts Summer Festival,

but as a label boss, he says, "I had a responsibility to my artists."

 

Under Bell, Stax was now black-owned and, at Wattstax, its black

musicians were performing to a black crowd whose ticket fee was helping

black charities, among them the Martin Luther King Hospital, the Sickle

Cell Anemia Foundation, Jesse Jackson's Operation Push (People United to

Save Humanity) and the Watts Summer Festival itself. But while Soul

magazine described Wattstax as "completely black-controlled", "whitey's"

fingerprints were detected on some parts of the event. For a start, the

documentary film director, Mel Stuart, was white, and Schlitz and

Columbia, who sponsored the concert and film respectively, were both

white-owned. But to Al Bell, "What was important was to get the very

best, it wasn't about colour. There was enough colour in putting the

event on." Today, he is adamant that Wattstax reflected the Black Power

ideologies: "Here was a little black company that was able to go to LA,

where you had all the giant corporations, and get the musicians out

there, hire Mel Stuart, take a stadium and finance the production, then

get Columbia to distribute it, and not ask any of them for any money.

Now, from an economic standpoint, that was the ultimate in Black Power!"

 

After the heady days of Wattstax, life and death continued in the City

of Angels. Ten years ago, LA burnt again after members of the LAPD were

acquitted of brutality towards Rodney King. Tommy Jacquette has

faithfully produced a Watts Summer Festival each year, still

commemorating "the 34 people who died in 1965 and the cultural

contribution of a people".

 

"The people of Watts," he says, "sent a message to the people of the

world: 'Here we are. Hear what it's about. Hear what our struggle is

about!'"

 

The Watts Summer Festival runs August 9-11. A Wattstax CD box set is

released by Ace Records in September. To hear a live recording of I Like

The Things About Me by The Staple Singers, go to

www.guardian.co.uk/arts, or call 09068 626828 and use code 1369. Calls

cost 60p per minute.

 

Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited

 

 

One points needs to be corrected. It wasn't Schlitz who helped in sponsoring, it was a black

man, former football star Willie Davis who happened to own a Schlitz

distributorship. He paid for a small portion of the stadium rental cost for

sinage. We did not need it, but, if my memory serves me correctly, Forrest

thought it would be a great idea, firstly, to help Willie Davis as a black

entrepreneur and secondly to have a Los Angeles black owned business

involvement . Willie Davis deserves this recognition and not Schlitz. Stax

paid for everything else!!!!!!!!!!

Al Bell

 

 

 

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Loud and proud
When Los Angeles erupted in the bloodiest racial uprising of the 1960s,
the black citizens of Watts sent a message to the world, demanding that
their struggle be noticed. And it was; for the social, intellectual and
emotional rebellion that followed was played out to a soul soundtrack
that culminated, 30 years ago, in the biggest music event of the Black
Power era: Wattstax
James Maycock
Thursday July 18 2002
The Guardian
On August 20 1972, the expectant audience at the LA Coliseum in South
Central Los Angeles basked in hot Californian sun. Just before 3pm, soul
singer Kim Weston approached the centre stage mic and belted out the US
national anthem. As the Star-Spangled Banner resonated around the huge
auditorium, the 100,000-plus black crowd, well, they just chilled: the
stadium hummed with light conversation, some ate their picnics, others
twitched their noses with indifference. No one stood. Jesse Jackson,
dressed in what most self-respecting civil rights officials wore in 1972
- multicoloured dashiki, bushy sideburns and medallion - addressed the
crowd. Declaring "We've gone from 'burn, baby, burn' to 'learn, baby,
learn'", he urged everyone to repeat, "I Am Somebody!" Then Weston was
invited back to sing the black national anthem, Lift Every Voice And
Sing. As the first notes left her lips, the crowd bolted to its feet and
fists punched the air. And so began Wattstax, the biggest, baddest
musical event of the Black Power era, featuring most acts from the
Memphis-based Stax label.

Rewind to another sizzling weekend in LA, August 7 and 8 1965. This time
a less grandiose Stax Revue - including Wilson Pickett, the Astors and
Booker T And The MGs - is performing at the 700-capacity 5/4 Ballroom in
Watts. The budding Memphis record label is in town to raise its profile
on the west coast and the shows are promoted by Magnificent Montague
from local radio station KGFJ. Montague, a friend of Malcolm X -
assassinated six months earlier - is the originator of the expression
"Burn, baby, burn", which he yells wildly at the climax of a record.
It's become the slick phrase among black Los Angelenos, and Montague, as
MC, screams it between acts, inducing a female audience member to howl
deliriously, "Jump in that water and let it burn!"

The trip is deemed a modest triumph. Some Stax artists return to Memphis
on Monday, but the Astors leave on Wednesday, August 11. As their plane
flies above LA, they watch incredulously as thick coils of black smoke
billow out of Watts. Booker T, Steve Cropper and Al Jackson have
remained in town to record a session; that same day, Booker T slips out
of the studio for some air and sees National Guardsmen sprinting down
the street. Both Booker T and the Astors are witnessing the first
flashes of the Watts rebellion, the bloodiest racial uprising of the
1960s.

A little earlier, two black men, brothers Marquette and Ronald Frye, are
driving a 1950 Buick in South Central LA. They are stopped by the
California Highway Patrol at 116th Street and Avalon Boulevard, and
arguments ensue. The Fryes' mother arrives and is handcuffed. Marquette
is punched in the head and a car door swung into his legs, before he is
pushed into a police car and punched again. His mother is slapped in the
face and hit on the knee with a blackjack. Police motorcyclists mount
the sidewalk, aggressively breaking up the angry crowd that has
gathered. The LA Times later reports, "Rocks began flying, then wine and
whisky bottles, concrete, pieces of wood. The targets were anything
strange to the neighbourhood." The rage and violence swell rapidly.
Stationary cars are burnt, moving vehicles attacked. As night falls,
flickering fires light up Watts.

The next day, media coverage of the uprising tightens the pressure. It
is also the day of the first death: Leon Posey is shot by the LAPD
outside a barbers shop at 89th and Broadway. On the third day, Friday,
August 13, LAPD helicopters are fired at and the authorities admit that
south LA is out of their control. The police visit Magnificent Montague
after nervous citizens complain about his incendiary on-air use of
"Burn, baby, burn". Unwillingly, he switches it to "Have mercy, baby!"

Watts burnt for another three days until 16,000 National Guardsmen,
police and Highway Patrolmen quelled its 35,000 rebellious citizens -
$200m worth of damage was caused, and of the 34 dead, most were black
Americans. Charles Fizer, from the R&B group the Olympics, was among
them. More than 1,000 more were injured, including the comedian and
activist Dick Gregory, who was shot in the leg; 4,000 people were
arrested. President Johnson condemned the uprising, saying, "Our
conscience cries out against the hatred we heard last week. It bore no
relationship to the orderly struggle for civil rights that has ennobled
the last decade." But Senator Robert Kennedy commented, "There is no
point in telling Negroes to observe the law. It has almost always been
used against them."

Al Bell, former head of Stax, recalls watching the spectacle on
television and thinking, "Well, we just have some more African-Americans
that are tired of oppression." There was certainly an appalling record
of police brutality in Watts - the traditional training ground for
rookie cops - but poverty and unemployment had also pushed it over the
edge. In the 1950s, there had been a huge black migration west from
Texas and the south, inspired by a sense that Los Angeles was the
promised land. But the reality was very different. The booming film
industry was mostly off-limits to blacks, and poor public transport and
segregated housing impeded them from living near or commuting to major
industrial sites in LA. Slowly, Watts deteriorated. In the build-up to
August 1965, the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People) was increasingly perceived by the LA black masses as a
middle-class institution that neglected their interests. Writing in the
New York Times Magazine just after the Watts uprising, social scientist
Kenneth B Clark described the rebellion as an attempt "by prisoners in
the ghetto to destroy their own prison".

The Watts insurrection symbolised a dramatic sea change in the civil
rights movement. It was the harbinger of the Black Power era, an age of
black consciousness and militancy. Civil rights acts passed in 1964 and
1965 had heightened expectations among African-Americans, but the mood
had turned to one of frustration as they observed only microscopic
shifts in their daily lives. The battle cry of "Burn, baby, burn" echoed
through the long, hot, violent summers of the second half of the 1960s.
The civil rights movement became more diverse as black militant groups
such as the Black Panthers emerged and the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee, or SNCC ("Snick"), fronted by Stokely
Carmichael, kicked out its white members. Faith in passive resistance
diminished and was eclipsed, in part, by a more aggressive black
nationalism. Yet, despite the media's focus on its revolutionary
rhetoric and "Get Whitey" braggadocio, Black Power's main goals were
attaining political, economic and psychological strength.

A friend of Martin Luther King, Stax Records boss Al Bell recalls that,
after King's assassination in 1968, "Blacks all of a sudden wondered if
it was a hopeless situation because here was the guy who talked about
turning the other cheek and all of a sudden he was killed." Bell
believes that "Black Power was no more than black people saying, 'We Are
Somebody!' " but he also identifies it as "an intellectual, social and
emotional rebellion taking place among a people, and it manifested
itself in the music".

Before the music, however, came the Watts Summer Festival: without that,
there would have been no Wattstax, says Tommy Jacquette, a Watts
resident who played "an active part" in the 1965 rebellion. The first
festival, in 1966, was, he says, "a cultural celebration" that "came
straight out of the ashes of the 1965 revolt" and was a "memorial for
the 34 people who died".

The Watts Writers Workshop was also created in the wake of the uprising.
Funded in part by Hollywood scriptwriter Budd Schulberg (On The
Waterfront), this was where the Watts poet and aspiring scriptwriter
Richard Dedeaux met Amde Hamilton and Otis O'Solomon, who formed the
Watts Prophets. Performing regularly at the Summer Festival, they
released their first album, Rappin' Black In A White World, in 1971. It
included the track Amerikkka, in which the Prophets screamed, "Ask not
what you can do for your country, 'cause what in the fuck has it done
for you?" - lyrics, says Dedeaux, "that automatically got us on the
Un-American Activities list".

Stax, meanwhile, had catapulted from "the little label that could" into
a mighty corporate institution to rival Motown. It was also branching
out into film. In 1972, the concert promoter Forest Hamilton was in LA,
tentatively establishing a movie arm, Stax West, when he was introduced
to Dedeaux. Hamilton invited Dedeaux to Memphis to work on a film script
and it was through this collaboration that the idea for a benefit
concert was born. The idea generated excitement at Stax, but as more
musicians offered to perform for free, the label struggled to find a
suitable venue. A slightly nervous LAPD suggested the LA Coliseum - home
to the LA Rams - because "they didn't want to see that many black people
in Watts 'uncorralled'!" says Jacquette, the man responsible for turning
the Watts Summer Festival into an annual event. But "It was a win/win
for all of us. Their motives were different, but it was still a
win/win."

Finally, a date was set: Sunday, August 20 1972, the last day of the
Watts Summer Festival. Mayor Yorty declared it "Wattstax Day" and for
one extraordinary Sunday, the LA Coliseum metamorphosed into a riot of
funky, soulful music, black pride, zebra-striped flop hats, gymnastic
dancing, electric-yellow hotpants, Afros of inordinate volume and flares
of unnatural width. Dedeaux remembers: "It was electrical, man. The
radio stations started playing it up, giving away tickets. Everybody
just really got into it. It was a magic thing."

At $1 a pop, tickets were affordable to everyone. Stax underwrote most
of the expenses and Schlitz beer acted as sponsors. Magnificent
Montague's former radio station broadcast the event live and Al Bell
hired an LA production company to film it.

Weston's renditions of both national anthems and Jackson's speech, in
which he spoke of "liberation through music", kicked off six hours of
fat, full-bodied Stax sounds. Famous black entertainers, including Shaft
star Richard Roundtree, presented each act, and Melvin Van Peebles,
director of the film Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song, introduced the
first, the Staple Singers.

With Pops Staples dressed in a dazzling white safari suit and Mavis
Staples sporting large hoop earrings, the group launched into Heavy
Makes You Happy, followed by black pride anthems Respect Yourself and I
Like The Things About Me. Of the latter, Mavis says, "We felt it was a
good song to sing at that event. With Pops saying, 'There was a time I
wished my hair was fine.' Well, no. Not any more. We want our hair the
way we came here with it - nappy. That's what was happening. Black
people were showing they were proud to be black. We were singing songs
to lift the people." In the middle of this bluesy number, with his
guitar set in tremolo, Pops rapped a history lesson to the crowd,
declaring, "No nationality could go through what we been through and
survive like the black people." He quoted James Brown - "Say it loud,
I'm black and I'm proud" - and praised "our own Black Moses, Isaac
Hayes".

Just before the Bar-Kays launched into Son Of Shaft, their saxophonist,
balancing a huge white Afro wig on his head, boomed, "Freedom is a road
seldom travelled by the multitude." Both this and Jackson's holler, "I
don't know what the world is coming to!" were sampled years later by
Public Enemy on their opus of rage, It Takes A Nation Of Millions To
Hold Us Back. Despite the uncompromising tone of some performances, the
atmosphere was one of celebration. For one hot day, the LA Coliseum
flipped into an outrageous fashion parade as the crowd posed, strolled,
strutted and checked each other out; Wattstax buzzed with the bonhomie
of Woodstock and Monterey.

Amazingly, says Al Bell, "We were able to cut a deal with the city. We
had only black police officers, and not one of them had a gun." There
were "no riots, no fights", according to Bell, in spite of a
112,000-strong audience and a significant gang presence - at one point
in the film, Tookie, head of the Watts Crips, is seen signalling to gang
members in the crowd.

Most of the Stax roster performed at Wattstax, including Eddie Floyd and
Albert King, Hayes and Rufus Thomas. As the sun dipped below the
Pacific, "the world's oldest teenager" took to the stage in hot-pink
cape and shorts, and white go-go boots, imploring, "Ain't I clean?"
before causing uproar with Do The Funky Chicken. Flapping his arms and
clucking, Thomas invited the crowd to invade the sacred turf of the
pitch. Within seconds, 5,000 people were doing the funky chicken right
in front of the stage.

But if Thomas was the court clown, Isaac "Big Ike" Hayes was the king of
Wattstax. The roar of police motorbikes - lights flashing - signalled
that he was in the building. The atmosphere was eye-popping. Sporting a
huge brown flop hat and a psychedelic-print cape, Hayes mounted the
stage. Jesse Jackson, standing next to him, yelled, "Do we want to see
Isaac Hayes? Brothers and sisters, we are about to bring forth a bad,
bad ... " On the point of blurting out the oedipal expletive, Jackson
gushed, "I'm a preacher, I can't say it!" With the theme from Shaft
throbbing in the background, Hayes ripped off his cape, revealing a
thick gold chain vest. "Shaft" and "Black Moses" flashed wildly on the
huge screen. The crowd screamed and Jackson looked thrilled.

Hayes performed for an hour. His set included Shaft and Soulsville, and
an extraordinary 18-minute version of Bill Withers' Ain't No Sunshine,
before it came down to rest with a mellow I Stand Accused. Wattstax drew
to a close with Kim Weston singing If I Had A Hammer with the audience.

Today, Jacquette remembers that there wasn't "one single problem" at
Wattstax. He was delighted that the event contradicted the racist
stereotype that a large number of black people "can't get together
without having a revolt". "It was," he says, "a day of unity."

It was not the first time the community had displayed such togetherness.
The sleeve notes to the two double live Wattstax albums stressed an
explicit connection between the riots and Wattstax, saluting the
citizens of Watts in 1965, "who stood together and demanded to be
heard". In a documentary film about Wattstax, director Mel Stuart
(responsible for Willy Wonka And The Chocolate Factory a year earlier)
created an unflinching portrait of the Watts community, who rapped about
racism, civil rights, relationships, the blues, Vietnam and social
changes since 1965. This was intercut with news archive of the '65
uprising and images of Black Power politicians. A kind of Greek chorus
was presented by a fledgling Richard Pryor, whose mischievous monologues
glue the film together: "They accidentally shoot more niggers out here
than any place else in the world. Every time I pick up the paper -
'Nigger accidentally shot in the ass'." The film was released by
Columbia Pictures and kicked off the Cannes Film Festival in 1973. In
Lagos, Wattstax was a hot draw.

But the event was not without its critics. Stax artist Donald "Duck"
Dunn grumbled, "Were they doing it for the people in LA or to promote Al
Bell in LA?" In his defence, Bell insists, "That's the American way!"
The original intent was to raise money for the Watts Summer Festival,
but as a label boss, he says, "I had a responsibility to my artists."

Under Bell, Stax was now black-owned and, at Wattstax, its black
musicians were performing to a black crowd whose ticket fee was helping
black charities, among them the Martin Luther King Hospital, the Sickle
Cell Anemia Foundation, Jesse Jackson's Operation Push (People United to
Save Humanity) and the Watts Summer Festival itself. But while Soul
magazine described Wattstax as "completely black-controlled", "whitey's"
fingerprints were detected on some parts of the event. For a start, the
documentary film director, Mel Stuart, was white, and Schlitz and
Columbia, who sponsored the concert and film respectively, were both
white-owned. But to Al Bell, "What was important was to get the very
best, it wasn't about colour. There was enough colour in putting the
event on." Today, he is adamant that Wattstax reflected the Black Power
ideologies: "Here was a little black company that was able to go to LA,
where you had all the giant corporations, and get the musicians out
there, hire Mel Stuart, take a stadium and finance the production, then
get Columbia to distribute it, and not ask any of them for any money.
Now, from an economic standpoint, that was the ultimate in Black Power!"

After the heady days of Wattstax, life and death continued in the City
of Angels. Ten years ago, LA burnt again after members of the LAPD were
acquitted of brutality towards Rodney King. Tommy Jacquette has
faithfully produced a Watts Summer Festival each year, still
commemorating "the 34 people who died in 1965 and the cultural
contribution of a people".

"The people of Watts," he says, "sent a message to the people of the
world: 'Here we are. Hear what it's about. Hear what our struggle is
about!'"

The Watts Summer Festival runs August 9-11. A Wattstax CD box set is
released by Ace Records in September. To hear a live recording of I Like
The Things About Me by The Staple Singers, go to
www.guardian.co.uk/arts, or call 09068 626828 and use code 1369. Calls
cost 60p per minute.

Copyright Guardian Newspapers Limited


One points needs to be corrected. It wasn't Schlitz who helped in sponsoring, it was a black
man, former football star Willie Davis who happened to own a Schlitz
distributorship. He paid for a small portion of the stadium rental cost for
sinage. We did not need it, but, if my memory serves me correctly, Forrest
thought it would be a great idea, firstly, to help Willie Davis as a black
entrepreneur and secondly to have a Los Angeles black owned business
involvement . Willie Davis deserves this recognition and not Schlitz. Stax
paid for everything else!!!!!!!!!!
Al Bell



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Early in the civil rights movement, a young preacher came to speak on the steps of WERD in Atlanta, the nation's first black-owned radio station, where disc jockey Jack "The Rapper" Gibson decided to give the minister a larger audience.

From the second story of the studio, Gibson ran a long line and microphone out the window to the street below, where the preacher used it to deliver a stirring speech heard all over the city.

Thanks to Gibson, who eventually wound up in the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in Cleveland and the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C., the voice of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. was delivered for the first time over the airwaves.

Joseph Deighton Gibson Jr., one of America's first black disc jockeys, who popularized what is now called urban radio and later, as a record executive, helped launch the singing careers of Smokey Robinson, Stevie Wonder and Michael Jackson,

Those changes included Gibson's design of a broadcast studio in which the DJs stood up to better project their voices -- a concept that was adopted by stations nationwide.

Also known as "Jockey Jack," Gibson began his radio career at WJJD in Chicago in 1945. In October 1949 he became one of the original DJs at WERD. In the early 1960s, at WCIN in Cincinnati, Gibson's show featured new artists whom he sent to his good friend, Berry Gordy, founder of Motown Records in Detroit.

They included Mary Wells, Smokey Robinson and the Miracles and Stevie Wonder.

In 1962 Gibson went to work for Motown as the record label's first national director of promotions and public relations. At the start of the Miracles' 1963 hit recording of "Mickey's Monkey," Gibson shouts: "Hey Smokey!"

In 1972 Gibson used his influence in the record industry to help secure an Academy Award nomination for best soundtrack for the movie "Shaft," which was written and performed by Isaac Hayes. The album won, making Hayes the first black artist to win an Oscar in the soundtrack category.

In 1995 Gibson was featured in an exhibit of America's top DJs at the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. In 1986 he received a Smithsonian Institute honor for his contributions to black radio -- now called urban radio -- and black music.

Born May 13, 1920, in Chicago, Gibson was the eldest of five children of Dr. Joseph Gibson and the former Lilian Schweich, a schoolteacher. He graduated from Lincoln University in Jefferson, Mo., where he was a member of the Omega Psi Pfi fraternity. In 1990 Gibson received from Lincoln an honorary doctorate.

After college, Gibson starred in "Here Comes Tomorrow," the first radio soap opera to feature an all-black cast.

As a disc jockey, Gibson infuriated record companies by insisting that they hire black representatives to promote records by black performers at black radio stations.

"I'd say send me a brother if you want me to play this," Gibson said in his two-volume audio autobiography, "A Journey Through Black Radio in America." "They couldn't stand me for that. But it got a lot of jobs for blacks."

In 1955 Gibson organized black radio announcers through the National Association of Radio Announcers.

Gibson worked for Motown from 1962 to '66, for Decca Records as Midwest region director (1966-69) and for Stax Records as vice president of promotions (1969-72).

In 1969 he helped launch the career of the Jackson 5, featuring a young Michael Jackson.

In 1977 Gibson started the Family Affair National Music Conference in Atlanta, where young recording artists made their debuts and were signed by major record labels.

Gibson moved to Las Vegas eight years ago and in 1998 was inducted into the Nevada Broadcasting Hall of Fame.

In 1996 Jack Gibson's record collection was housed in the Archives of African American Music and Culture at Indiana University.

As an actor Gibson appeared in the movies "Class Act" with rappers Kid 'N Play and in "Passenger 57" with Wesley Snipes, and in the MC Hammer music video "Pray."

 

 

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Cathy Hughes was turned down by 32 banks before securing a loan to buy her first radio station in the early 1980s. Struggling at first, the single mother and her teenage son literally lived at the office, cooking on a hot plate and bathing in the restroom. But she parlayed her mix of talk, political commentary, and activism into a $287 million company that owns 65 radio stations around the country. Radio One was founded in 1980 and is the seventh largest radio broadcasting company in the United States based on 2001 pro forma net revenue.  They are also the largest radio broadcasting company in the United States primarily targeting African-Americans.  Radio One own and/or operate 65 stations in 22 markets.  Thirty-six of these stations (26 FM and 10 AM) are in 14 of the top 20 African-American radio markets.  They also program five channels on the XM Satellite Radio system.Go to Radio One at;

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READ THE AL BELL STORY IN HIS OWN WORDS

Arkansas Black Hall Of fame Induction Cermonies
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Al Bell, Mose Tyson Jr and Bill Clinton

Hamp Has Flown Home
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Lionel Hampton is one of the most extraordinary musicians of the 20th century and his artistic achievements symbolize the impact that jazz music has had on our culture in the 21st century.

He was born April 20, 1908 in Louisville, Kentucky. His father, Charles Hampton, a promising pianist and singer, was reported missing and later declared killed in World War I. Lionel and his mother, Gertrude, first moved to Birmingham, Alabama, to be with her family, then settled in Chicago.

He attended the Holy Rosary Academy, near Kenosha, Wisconsin, where a Dominican sister give him his first drum lessons.

While in high school, Les Hite gave Lionel a job in a teenage band. Later, the 15-year-old Lionel, who had just graduated from high school, promised his grandmother he would continue to say his daily prayers and left for Los Angeles to join Reb Spikes's Sharps and Flats. He also played with Paul Howard's Quality Serenaders and a new band organized by Hite, which backed Louis Armstrong at the Cotton Club.

In 1930, Hampton was called in to a recording session with Armstrong, and during a break Hampton walked over to a vibraphone and started to play. He ended up playing the vibes on one song. The song became a hit; Hampton had introduced a new voice to jazz and he became "King of the Vibes." When Benny Goodman heard him play, Goodman immediately asked Hampton to record with him, Gene Krupa on drums and Teddy Wilson on piano. The Benny Goodman Quartet recorded the jazz classics "Dinah," "Moonglow," "My Last Affair," and "Exactly Like You." Hampton's addition to the groups also marked the breaking of the color barrier; the Benny Goodman Quartet was the first racially integrated group of jazz musicians

As a bandleader, he established the Lionel Hampton Orchestra that became known around the world for its tremendous energy, dazzling showmanship and first-class jazz musicianship. "Sunny Side of the Street," "Central Avenue Breakdown," his signature tune, "Flying Home," and "Hamp's Boogie-Woogie" all became top-of-the-chart best-sellers upon release and the name Lionel Hampton became world famous overnight, and the Lionel Hampton Orchestra had a phenomenal array of sidemen.

As a composer and arranger, Hampton wrote more than 200 works, including the jazz standards Flying Home, Evil Gal Blues, and Midnight Sun. He also composed the major symphonic work, "King David Suite."

As a businessman, he established two record labels, his own publishing company, and he founded the Lionel Hampton Development Corporation to build low-income housing in inner cities.

In his continuing role as an educator, he began working with University of Idaho in the early 1980s to establish his dream for the future of music education. In 1985, the University named its jazz festival for him, and in 1987 the University's music school was named the Lionel Hampton School of Music. Nearly 20 years later, the University of Idaho has developed an unprecedented relationship with Hampton by ensuring that his vision lives through the Lionel Hampton Center, a $60 million project that will provide a "home for jazz," housing the university's Jazz Festival, its School of Music, and its International Jazz Collections, all designed to help teach and preserve the heritage of jazz. Go to their tribute sitehttp://www.uidaho.edu/hampton/index.html

His lifetime of "swinging" is well documented through hundreds of recordings, many of which rank among the best in jazz, and all of which will be housed and studied inside the Lionel Hampton Center in Moscow, Idaho, slated to open in 2006.

Lionel Hampton passed away
Saturday, August 31, 2002

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Vet Harris drives a horse-drawn hearse as he leads a funeral procession for Lionel Ham

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Wynton Marsalis led the second line - a New Orleans funeral tradition - to honor Hamp

NEW YORK (AP) The remains of jazz great Lionel Hampton were carried in a white horse-drawn hearse through the streets of Harlem on Saturday, with trumpeter Wynton Marsalis blowing a dirge to lead the funeral procession. 
The 94-year-old showman and bandleader died Aug. 31 of heart failure. Hampton suffered two strokes in 1995 and had been in failing health in recent years. Starting from the Cotton Club, once an icon of great music, hundreds of mourners walked in a procession to a service at the nearby Riverside Church. President George W. Bush sent a letter of condolence, which was read by his father. ``His legacy of music, education and civic dedication will continue to inspire generations to come,'' the former president said, quoting his son. A condolence letter from former president Bill Clinton was also read at the service. The service was presided over by the Rev. James Forbes, pastor of the church, who called Hampton ``this 20th Century marvel of a man'' The Rev. Calvin Butts, pastor of the Abyssinian Baptist Church in Harlem, also spoke at the service, calling Hampton ``an inspiration. He lived a long time. God gave him energy to continue his music for as along as he lived.'' Bush remembered meeting Hampton when the former president was director of the Central Intelligence Agency in the 1970s. At the time, Bush said, morale at the spy agency was low. ``He loaded his band on a bus they came to CIA headquarters and performed to an overflow crowd,'' Bush recalled. After the service, Hampton was buried at Woodlawn Cemetery in the Bronx, near other greats of American music Duke Ellington, Miles Davis, Coleman Hawkins and Irving Berlin. 
``Yes, I love this man,'' Bush told the congregation, his voice cracking with emotion as he spoke, with Hampton's coffin nearby. ``This incredibly gifted musician had an incredible knack for friendship.'' 

 See More Pics 
http://people.a2000.nl/ahbone/Hampton.html

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Bobby Bland
Biography

Lifetime Achievement Grammy recipent sings what he feels.

Bobby Blue Bland has created a sound utterly of his own, one that has placed more than 61 songs on the R & B charts. When asked about how he has attained such a successful career, the always modest and humble Bland stated, "I just sing what I feel. Its about life. You get hurt, you get happy."

Born Robert Calvin Brooks on January 27, 1930, in tiny Rosemark, Tennessee (he later took his fathers surname), Bland was nurtured by a wide range of music he heard growing up as a child. Most notably, after his family moved to Memphis in 1947, Bland sang in a Gospel group, The Miniatures, where he learned his trademark blues snort by watching the spirited sermons of the Reverend C. L. Franklin, father of Aretha Franklin.

As years past, Bland drew up a passion for singing the blues. He soon worked his way onto legendary Beale Street parking cars at a place called Billys garage, behind the Malco Theater (which is now the Orpheum). He would compete in talent contests hosted by Rufus Thomas at the Palace Theater. It was on Beale Street that he became a member of the almost mythical Beale Streeters, a short lived "supergroup" that included such notables as B. B. King, Johnny Ace, Junior Parker, Roscoe Gordon and Earl Forrest. On down the line, in 1951, Bland cut two sides produced by Sam Phillips for the Chess label. In 1952, he cut four more produced by Ike Turner for the Modern label. But it was later that year when Bobby signed with the upstart Houston label, Duke, that Bobby began to make a huge impact on the music industry. He released an impressive 45 chart topping singles. Some of which included, "I Pity The Fool", "Call On Me", "Turn On Your Love Light", and "Yield Not To Temptation" to name a few of the tremendous classic songs released on the Duke label that have formed Bobby Bland and his music into the dazzling entertainer he is today.

In 1985, Bobby signed with Malaco Records. He has released nine albums to date with Malaco. In 1997, he was the recipient of the Recording Academys coveted "Lifetime Achievement" Grammy. November 9, 1998, brought him The Blues Foundations "Lifetime Achievement Award".

Bobby Blue Bland is a class act in the music industry. The heart felt emotions displayed on each and every song truly deem him worthy of any award around. He simply says, "If youve got something worthwhile, hold on to it." And hold on to it he has with his latest release on the Malaco label "Memphis Monday Morning" which is a culmination of the feelings, magic, and emotion that can only be expressed by the truly great, Bobby Blue Bland.

   

 

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Big Al  Carson
Every city has one--a local blues legend whom everyone acknowledges, but for some reason or another has been largely ignored by the recording industry. And in many cases the artist has adopted this new home, hoping, perhaps, that his luck would change along with the new surroundings. In Baltimore, it's Big Jessie Yawn with his booming baritone of a voice which invariably draws a big crowd. In New York, guitarist Larry Johnson plys his daily trade and is very much taken for granted. For three decades in Washington, D.C., Bobby Parker played in dives that lined 14th Street, until finally landing a contract with Black Top in 1993. Likewise, the gentle giant of the New Orleans blues scene, Big Al Carson, has to endure a relentless, six-night-a-week ordeal on Bourbon St. just to make ends meet. And so it is with Philadelphia's Big Guitar Red, who amazes audiences whenever he takes the stage.
 
 

Jack The Rapper

A Brief History of the Blues
by Robert M. Baker

Joseph Machlis says that the blues is a native American musical and verse form, with no direct European and African antecedents of which we know. (p. 578) In other words, it is a blending of both traditions. Something special and entirely different from either of its parent traditions. (Although Alan Lomax cites some examples of very similar songs having been found in Northwest Africa, particularly among the Wolof and Watusi. p. 233)

The word 'blue' has been associated with the idea of melancholia or depression since the Elizabethan era. The American writer, Washington Irving is credited with coining the term 'the blues,' as it is now defined, in 1807. (Tanner 40) The earlier (almost entirely Negro) history of the blues musical tradition is traced through oral tradition as far back as the 1860s. (Kennedy 79)

When African and European music first began to merge to create what eventually became the blues, the slaves sang songs filled with words telling of their extreme suffering and privation. (Tanner 36) One of the many responses to their oppressive environment resulted in the field holler. The field holler gave rise to the spiritual, and the blues, "notable among all human works of art for their profound despair . . . They gave voice to the mood of alienation and anomie that prevailed in the construction camps of the South," for it was in the Mississippi Delta that blacks were often forcibly conscripted to work on the levee and land-clearing crews, where they were often abused and then tossed aside or worked to death. (Lomax 233)

Alan Lomax states that the blues tradition was considered to be a masculine discipline (although some of the first blues songs heard by whites were sung by 'lady' blues singers like Mamie Smith and Bessie Smith) and not many black women were to be found singing the blues in the juke-joints. The Southern prisons also contributed considerably to the blues tradition through work songs and the songs of death row and murder, prostitutes, the warden, the hot sun, and a hundred other privations. (Lomax) The prison road crews and work gangs where were many bluesmen found their songs, and where many other blacks simply became familiar with the same songs.

Following the Civil War (according to Rolling Stone), the blues arose as "a distillate of the African music brought over by slaves. Field hollers, ballads, church music and rhythmic dance tunes called jump-ups evolved into a music for a singer who would engage in call-and-response with his guitar. He would sing a line, and the guitar would answer it." (RSR&RE 53) (author's note: I've seen somewhere, that the guitar did not enjoy widespread popularity with blues musicians until about the turn of the century. Until then, the banjo was the primary blues instrument.) By the 1890s the blues were sung in many of the rural areas of the South. (Kamien 518) And by 1910, the word 'blues' as applied to the musical tradition was in fairly common use. (Tanner 40)

Some 'bluesologists' claim (rather dubiously), that the first blues song that was ever written down was 'Dallas Blues,' published in 1912 by Hart Wand, a white violinist from Oklahoma City. (Tanner 40) The blues form was first popularized about 1911-14 by the black composer W.C. Handy (1873-1958). However, the poetic and musical form of the blues first crystallized around 1910 and gained popularity through the publication of Handy's "Memphis Blues" (1912) and "St. Louis Blues" (1914). (Kamien 518) Instrumental blues had been recorded as early as 1913. Mamie Smith recorded the first vocal blues song, 'Crazy Blues' in 1920. (Priestly 9) Priestly claims that while the widespread popularity of the blues had a vital influence on subsequent jazz, it was the "initial popularity of jazz which had made possible the recording of blues in the first place, and thus made possible the absorption of blues into both jazz as well as the mainstream of pop music." (Priestly 10)

American troops brought the blues home with them following the First World War. They did not, of course, learn them from Europeans, but from Southern whites who had been exposed to the blues. At this time, the U.S. Army was still segregated. During the twenties, the blues became a national craze. Records by leading blues singers like Bessie Smith and later, in the thirties, Billie Holiday, sold in the millions. The twenties also saw the blues become a musical form more widely used by jazz instrumentalists as well as blues singers. (Kamien 518)

During the decades of the thirties and forties, the blues spread northward with the migration of many blacks from the South and entered into the repertoire of big-band jazz. The blues also became electrified with the introduction of the amplified guitar. In some Northern cities like Chicago and Detroit, during the later forties and early fifties, Muddy Waters, Willie Dixon, John Lee Hooker, Howlin' Wolf, and Elmore James among others, played what was basically Mississippi Delta blues, backed by bass, drums, piano and occasionally harmonica, and began scoring national hits with blues songs. At about the same time, T-Bone Walker in Houston and B.B. King in Memphis were pioneering a style of guitar playing that combined jazz technique with the blues tonality and repertoire. (RSR&RE 53)

In the early nineteen-sixties, the urban bluesmen were "discovered" by young white American and European musicians. Many of these blues-based bands like the Paul Butterfield Blues Band, the Rolling Stones, the Yardbirds, John Mayall's Bluesbreakers, Cream, Canned Heat, and Fleetwood Mac, brought the blues to young white audiences, something the black blues artists had been unable to do in America except through the purloined white cross-over covers of black rhythm and blues songs. Since the sixties, rock has undergone several blues revivals. Some rock guitarists, such as Eric Clapton, Jimmy Page, Jimi Hendrix, and Eddie Van Halen have used the blues as a foundation for offshoot styles. While the originators like John Lee Hooker, Albert Collins and B.B. King--and their heirs Buddy Guy, Otis Rush, and later Eric Clapton and the late Roy Buchanan, among many others, continued to make fantastic music in the blues tradition. (RSR&RE 53) The latest generation of blues players like Robert Cray and the late Stevie Ray Vaughan, among others, as well as gracing the blues tradition with their incredible technicality, have drawn a new generation listeners to the blues.


The Blue Tonalities And What Defines The Blues
There are a number of different ideas as to what the blues really are: a scale structure, a note out of tune or out of key, a chord structure; a philosophy? The blues is a form of Afro-American origin in which a modal melody has been harmonized with Western tonal chords. (Salzman 18) In other words, we had to fit it into our musical system somehow. But, the problem was that the blues weren't sung according to the European ideas of even tempered pitch, but with a much freer use of bent pitches and otherwise emotionally inflected vocal sounds. (Machlis 578) These 'bent'pitches are known as 'blue notes'.

The 'blue notes' or blue tonalities are one of the defining characteristics of the blues. Tanner's opinion is that these tonalities resulted from the West Africans' search for comparative tones not included in their pentatonic scale. He claims that the West African scale has neither the third or seventh tone nor the flat third or flat seventh. "Because of this, in the attempt to imitate either of these tones the pitch was sounded approximately midway between [the minor AND major third, fifth, or seventh], causing what is called a blue tonality." (Tanner 37) When the copyists attempted to write down the music, they came up with the so-called "blues scale," in which the third, the seventh, and sometimes the fifth scale-degrees were lowered a half step, producing a scale resembling the minor scale. (Machlis 578) There are many nuances of melody and rhythm in the blues that are difficult, if not impossible to write in conventional notation. (Salzman 18) But the blue notes are not really minor notes in a major context. In practice they may come almost anywhere. (Machlis 578)

Before the field cry, with its bending of notes, it had not occurred to musicians to explore the area of the blue tonalities on their instruments. (Tanner 38) The early blues singers would sing these "bent" notes, microtonal shadings, or "blue" notes, and the early instrumentalists attempted to duplicate them. (Kamien 520) By the mid-twenties, instrumental blues were common, and "playing the blues" for the instrumentalist could mean extemporizing a melody within a blues chord sequence. Brass, reed, and string instrumentalists, in particular, were able to produce many of the vocal sounds of the blues singers. (Machlis 578-9)


Blues Lyrics
Blues lyrics contain some of the most fantastically penetrating autobiographical and revealing statements in the Western musical tradition. For instance, the complexity of ideas implicit in Robert Johnson's 'Come In My Kitchen,' such as a barely concealed desire, loneliness, and tenderness, and much more:


You better come in my kitchen, It's gonna be rainin' outdoors.

Blues lyrics are often intensely personal, frequently contain sexual references and often deal with the pain of betrayal, desertion, and unrequited love (Kamien 519) or with unhappy situations such as being jobless, hungry, broke, away from home, lonely, or downhearted because of an unfaithful lover. (Tanner 39)

The early blues were very irregular rhythmically and usually followed speech patterns, as can be heard in the recordings made in the twenties and thirties by the legendary bluesmen Charley Patton, Blind Lemon Jefferson, Robert Johnson and Lightnin' Hopkins among others. (RSR&RE 53) The meter of the blues is usually written in iambic pentameter. The first line is generally repeated and third line is different from the first two. (Tanner 38) The repetition of the first line serves a purpose as it gives the singer some time to come up with a third line. Often the lyrics of a blues song do not seem to fit the music, but a good blues singer will accent certain syllables and eliminate others so that everything falls nicely into place. (Tanner 38)

The structure of blues lyrics usually consists of several three-line verses. The first line is sung and then repeated to roughly the same melodic phrase (perhaps the same phrase played diatonically a perfect fourth away), the third line has a different melodic phrase:


I'm going to leave baby, ain't going to say goodbye. I'm going to leave baby, ain't going to say goodbye. But I'll write you and tell you the reason why. (Kamien 519)


Construction Of The Blues
Most blues researchers claim that the very early blues were patterned after English ballads and often had eight, ten, or sixteen bars. (Tanner 36) The blues now consists of a definite progression of harmonies usually consisting of eight, twelve or sixteen measures, though the twelve bar blues are, by far, the most common.

The 12 bar blues harmonic progression (the one-four-five) is most often agreed to be the following: four bars of tonic, two of subdominant, two of tonic, two of dominant, and two of tonic. Or, alternatively, I,I,I,I,IV,IV,I,I,V,V,I,I. Each roman numeral indicates a chord built on a specific tone in the major scale. Due to the influence of rock and roll, the tenth chord has been changed to IV. This alteration is now considered standard. (Tanner 37) In practice, various intermediate chords, and even some substitute chord patterns, have been used in blues progressions, at least since the nineteen-twenties. (Machlis 578) Some purists feel that any variations or embellishments of the basic blues pattern changes its quality or validity as a blues song. For instance, if the basic blues chord progression is not used, then the music being played is not the blues. Therefore, these purists maintain that many melodies with the word "blues" in the title, and which are often spoken of as being the blues, are not the blues because their melodies lack this particular basic blues harmonic construction. (Tanner 37) I believe this viewpoint to be a bit wide of the mark, because it places a greater emphasis on blues harmony than melody.

The principal blues melodies are, in fact, holler cadences, set to a steady beat and thus turned into dance music and confined to a three-verse rhymed stanza of twelve to sixteen bars. (Lomax 275) The singer can either repeat the same basic melody for each stanza or improvise a new melody to reflect the changing mood of the lyrics. (Kamien 519) Blues rhythm is also very flexible. Performers often sing "around" the beat, accenting notes either a little before or behind the beat. (Kamien)

Jazz instrumentalists frequently use the chord progression of the twelve-bar blues as a basis for extended improvisations. The twelve or sixteen bar pattern is repeated while new melodies are improvised over it by the soloists. As with the Baroque bassocontinuo, the repeated chord progression provides a foundation for the free flow of such improvised melodic lines. (Kamien 520)


Conclusion
One of the problems regarding defining what the blues are is the variety of authoritative opinions. The blues is neither an era in the chronological development of jazz, nor is it actually a particular style of playing or singing jazz. (Tanner 35) Some maintain (mostly musicologists) that the blues are defined by the use of blue notes (and on this point they also differ - some say that they are simply flatted thirds, fifths, and sevenths applied to a major scale [forming a pentatonic scale]; some maintain that they are microtones; and some believe that they are the third, or fifth, or seventh tones sounded simultaneously with the flatted third, or fifth, or seventh tones respectively [minor second intervals]). Others feel that the song form (twelve bars, one-four-five) is the defining feature of the blues. Some feel that the blues is a way to approach music, a philosophy, in a manner of speaking. And still others hold a much wider sociological view that the blues are an entire musical tradition rooted in the black experience of the post-war South. Whatever one may think of the social implications of the blues, whether expressing the American or black experience in microcosm, it was their "strong autobiographical nature, their intense personal passion, chaos and loneliness, executed so vibrantly that it captured the imagination of modern musicians" and the general public as well. (Shapiro 13)


Works Cited
Kamien, Michael. _Music: An Appreciation_. 3d Ed. N.Y.: McGraw Hill, 1984.; Kennedy, Michael. _The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Music_. N.Y.: 1980.; Lomax, Alan. _The Land Where the Blues Began_. N.Y.: Pantheon Books, 1993.; Pareles, Jon and Patricia Romanowski, eds. _The Rolling Stone Encyclopedia of Rock and Roll_.N.Y.: Rolling Stone Press, 1983.; Priestly, Brian. _Jazz On Record: A History_. N.Y.: Billboard Books, 1991.; Salzman, Eric and Michael Sahl. _Making Changes_. N.Y.: G. Schirmer, 1977.; Shapiro, Harry. _Eric Clapton: Lost in the Blues_. N.Y.: Da Capo Press, 1992.; Tanner, Paul and Maurice Gerow. _A Study of Jazz_. Dubuque, IA: William C. Brown Publishers, 1984.

Blues By The Decade

BLUES by decade:
Blues is about tradition and personal expression. At its core, the blues has remained the same since its inception. Most blues feature simple, usually three-chord, progressions and have simple structures that are open to endless improvisations, both lyrical and musical. The blues grew out of African spirituals and worksongs. In the late 1800s, southern African-Americans passed the songs down orally, and they collided with American folk and country from the Appalachians. New hybrids appeared by each region, but all of the recorded blues from the early 1900s are distinguished by simple, rural acoustic guitars and pianos. After World War II, the blues began to fragment, with some musicians holding on to acoustic traditions and others taking it to jazzier territory. However, most bluesmen followed Muddy Waters' lead and played the blues on electric instruments. From that point on, the blues continued to develop in new directions particularly on electric instruments or it has been preserved as an acoustic tradition.

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Bessie Smith
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Born April 15, 1894 in Chatanooga, TN; Died September 26, 1937 in Clarksdale, MS

The first major blues and jazz singer on record and one of the most powerful of all time, Bessie Smith rightly earned the title of "The Empress of the Blues." Even on her first records in 1923, her passionate voice overcame the primitive recordinq quality of the day and still communicates easily to today's listeners (which is not true of any other singer from that early period). At a time when the blues were in and most vocalists (particularly vaudevillians) were being dubbed "blues singers," Bessie Smith simply had no competition. Back in 1912, Bessie Smith sang in the same show as Ma Rainey who took her under her wing and coached her. Although Rainey would achieve a measure of fame throughout her career, she was soon surpassed by her protégé. In 1920 Bessie had her own show in Atlantic City and in 1923 she moved to New York. She was soon signed by Columbia and her first recording (Alberta Hunter's "Downhearted Blues") made her famous. Bessie worked and recorded steadily throughout the decade, using many top musicians as sidemen on sessions including Louis Armstrong, Joe Smith (her favorite cornetist), James P. Johnson and Charlie Green. Her summer tent show Harlem Frolics was a big success durinq 1925-27 and Mississippi Days in 1928 kept the momentum going.

However by 1929 the blues were out-of-fashion and Bessie Smith's career was declining despite being at the peak of her powers (and still only 35!). She appeared in St. Louis Blues that year (a low-budget movie short that contains the only footage of her) but her hit recordinq of "Nobody Knows You When You're Down and Out" predicted her leaner Depression years. Although she was dropped by Columbia in 1931 and made her final recordings on a four-song session in 1933, Bessie Smith kept on working. She played the Apollo in 1935 and substituted for Billie Holiday in the show Stars over Broadway. The chances are very good that she would have made a comeback, starting with a Carnegie Hall appearance at John Hammond's upcoming "From Spirituals to Swing" concert, but she was killed in a car crash in Mississippi. Columbia has reissued all of her recordings, first in five two-LP sets and more recently on five two-CD boxes that also contain her five alternate takes, the soundtrack of St. Louis Blues and an interview with her niece Ruby Smith. "The Empress of the Blues," based on her recordings, will never have to abdicate her throne! -- Scott Yanow, All Music Guide

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 In 1980, Malaco hired Clark. His unrivaled access to radio and credibility with artists soon paid off with his recruitment of Z.Z. Hill. Malaco now stopped trying to compete with mainstream labels. It fell back on what it did so well - down home black music. Larger labels dismissed the genre as an unprofitable relic of the past. However, Malaco could make a tidy profit selling 25,000 - 50,000 units. Starting with Z.Z Hill, Malaco became the center of the universe for old-time blues and soul.

Since blues supposedly no longer sold, everyone was shocked when Hill's second album, Down Home Blues, sold 500,000 copies. It was the most successful blues album ever, revealing a core audience for quality blues records. It also became an anthem for R&B Denise LaSallesingers struggling against disco and the emergence of rap.

Denise LaSalle charted fourteen times in the 1970s. But during the disco era, her R&B style was called blues, and big labels were no longer interested. At Dave Clark's suggestion, she wrote "Someone Else is Steppin In" for Z.Z. Hill.

It was a southern blues-radio staple and racked up substantial sales, but never showed up on national charts. This became the rule. Malaco's undisputed sales successes could never be measured by Billboard chart positions during the 1980s.

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Contemporary Blues Stars:
Little Milton,Pat Brown,Denise Lasalle,Bobby Rush

Types Of Blues.

There are many differnt styles of Blues
check out the definitions below according to the All Music Guide

Chicago Style
What is now referred to as the "classic Chicago style" was developed in the late 1940s and early 1950s, taking Delta blues, amplifying it and putting it into a small-band context. Adding drums, bass, and piano (sometimes saxophones) to the basic string band and harmonica aggregation, the genre created the now standard blues band lineup. The form was (and is) flexible to accommodate singers, guitarists, pianists and harmonica players as the featured performer in front of the standard instrumentation. Later permutations of the style took place in the late 1950s and early 60s with new blood taking their cue from the lead guitar work of B.B.King and T-Bone Walker, creating the popular West Side sub genre which usually featured a horn section appended to the basic rhythm section. Although the form embraced rock beats and modern funk rhythms in the '80s and '90s, it has since generally stayed within the guidelines developed in the 1950s and early 60s. Cub Koda

Country Blues
A catch all term that delineates the depth and breadth of the first flowering of guitar-driven blues, embracing solo, duo, and string band performers. The term also provides a convenient general heading for all the multiple regional styles and variations (Piedmont, Atlanta, Memphis, Texas, Acoustic Chicago, Delta, ragtime, folk, songster, etc.) of the form. While early Piano Blues and Classic Female Blues often fall into this genre, Country-Blues is primarily but not exclusively a genre filled with acoustic guitarists, embracing a multiplicity of techniques from elaborate fingerpicking to the early roots of slide playing. But some country-blues performers like Lightnin' Hopkins and John Lee Hooker were to later switch over to electric guitars without having to drastically change or alter their styles. Cub Koda
List of Country Blues styles
Acoustic Blues Acoustic Country Blues
Acoustic Memphis Blues Acoustic Mississippi Blues
Acoustic New Orleans Blues Blues Gospel
Blues Revival Classic Female Blues
Contemporary Acoustic Blues Country Blues
Dirty Blues Early American Blues
East Coast Blues Folk-Blues
Modern Acoustic Blues Modern Country Blues
Piano Blues Prewar Acoustic Blues
Prewar Blues Prewar Country Blues
St. Louis Blues Work Songs
East Coast Blues
East Coast Blues essentially falls into two categories: Piedmont Blues and Jump Blues and its variations. Musically, Piedmont Blues describes the shared style of musicians from Georgia, the Carolinas, and Virginia as well as others from as far afield as Florida, West Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware. It refers to a wide assortment of aesthetic values, performance techniques, and shared repertoire rooted in common geographical, historical, and sociological circumstances. The Piedmont guitar style employs a complex fingerpicking method in which a regular, alternating-thumb bass pattern supports a melody on treble strings. The guitar style is highly syncopated and connects closely with an earlier string-band tradition integrating ragtime, blues, and country dance songs. It's excellent party music with a full, rock-solid sound.
Jump Blues is an uptempo, jazz-tinged style of blues that first came to prominence in the mid to late 1940s. Usually featuring a vocalist in front of a large, horn-driven orchestra or medium sized combo with multiple horns, the style is earmarked by a driving rhythm, intensely shouted vocals, and honking tenor saxophone solos, all of those very elements a precursor to rock & roll. The lyrics are almost always celebratory in nature, full of braggadocio and swagger. With less reliance on guitar work (the instrument usually being confined to rhythm section status) than other styles, jump blues was the bridge between the older styles of blues-primarily those in a small band context-and the big band jazz sound of the 1940s. Barry Lee Pearson & Cub Koda
East Coast Blues styles
Jump Blues New York Blues
Piedmont Blues Vaudeville Blues

Modern Electric Blues is an eclectic mixture, a sub genre embracing both the old, the new and something that falls between the two. Some forms of it xeroxes the older styles of urban blues-primarily offshoots of the electric Chicago band style-right down to playing the music itself on vintage instruments and amplifiers from the period being replicated. It also a genre that pays homage to those vintage styles of playing while simultaneously recasting them in contemporary fashion. It can also be-by turns-the most forward looking of all blues styles, embracing rock beats and pyrotechnics and enlivening the form with funk rhythms and chord progressions that expand beyond the standard three that usually comprises most blues forms. Cub Koda
List of Modern Electric Blues styles
Blues British Blues
Contemporary Blues Electric Blues
Electric British Blues Electric Country Blues
Electric East Coast Blues Electric Memphis Blues
Electric Memphis R&B Electric New Orleans Blues
Electric R&B Electric Swamp Blues
Electric West Coast Blues Juke Joint Blues
Memphis Blues Modern Blues
Modern Electric Blues Modern Electric Blues
Modern Electric Chicago Blues Modern Electric
Harmonica
Modern Electric Texas Blues Modern Louisiana Blues
New Orleans Blues New Orleans R&B
Soul Blues Swamp Blues
Uptown Blues Uptown Soul
Urban Blues
Texas Blues
A geographical sub-genre earmarked by a more relaxed, swinging feel than other styles of blues, Texas Blues encompasses a number of style variations and has a long, distinguished history. Its earliest incarnation occurred in the mid 1920s, featuring acoustic guitar work rich in filigree patterns, almost an extension of the vocals rather than merely a strict accompaniment to it. This version of Texas blues embraced both the songster and country-blues traditions, with its lyrics relying less on affairs of the heart than in other forms. The next stage of development in the region's sound came after World War II, bringing forth a fully electric style that featured jazzy, single-string soloing over predominantly horn-driven backing. The style stays current with a raft of regional performers primarily working in a small combo context. Cub Koda
List of Texas Blues styles
Acoustic Texas Blues Electric Texas Blues
Texas Blues




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Now predominantly known, if known at all, as the "Queen Of Extreme", her bawdy latter day raps and highly charged sex grooves, Millie Jackson is probably one of the most underestimated and neglected soul voices of the last 30 years. The somewhat lack lustre latter day career should not detract from some great work in the 70s and early 80s - it's time for a little respect!
Millie was raised by her preacher grandfather until the age of fourteen, when she ran away from what she considered to be an overtly stifling environment and ever since she has been a trail blazing example of self sufficiency; not just in the material she wrote or recorded but also in the way she took control of her artistic life, branching out into record production, management and publishing. As a youngster, Jackson settled in New York (conflicting reports here, but some say to live with her father?), did some early modelling work and cut her first single in 1969 on MGM. She had a taste of minor success in 1972 with the excellent 'A Child of God (It's Hard To Believe)', which you can still find on compilations of her work.
A number of hit singles then followed ('Hurts So Good, 'My Man Is A Sweet Man' which is still a Primer favourite, although apparently Millie never really liked it) but the 1974 conceptual album "Caught Up" was the start of something particularly special. The album chronicled a love triangle (man, wife, mistress), one side providing the perspective of the wife, the other the mistress. Raunchy and exciting, she found her audience. It also featured a great rendition of Luther Ingram's 'If Loving You Is Wrong I Don't Want To Be Right' for which she received two Grammy nominations. She followed it with the "Still Caught Up" album which, unsurprisingly continued the story. Again, the album featured excellent songs and, above all, terrific vocal work. This is possibly the better of the two albums (it has a wonderful version of Tom Jans 'Loving Arms') with a stronger "storyline" and a ludicrously melodramatic ending. Great stuff!!.
What people often forget or choose to ignore about Jackson is just what a very fine singer she is - she has a husky, powerful voice and, importantly, it's instantly recognisable. Anyone who goes back and listens to the 70s albums will be rewarded with a unique vision that should be entirely welcome in this age of interchangeable voices and identikit production values. Surprisingly, it has been reported that the monologues first started because Jackson had little or no confidence in her abilities as a singer. Always conscious that she had never had any formal training, she used the monologue format to make up for what she considered to be her vocal shortcomings. "Free And In Love", which followed the Caught Up albums, could loosely be described as the last of the trilogy - it's themes are similar and the material is strong. Anyone of these albums makes a great first Millie Jackson purchase, but the Primer goes for "Still Caught Up". You can get Caught Up and Still Caught Up on import as a package but, to be honest, listening to them back to back is a little draining emotionally. And the individual CDs are available in the UK at mid price so that's probably the best way to go.
In the 80s Jackson's star faded a little as she flirted more directly with rap (her albums in the 70s featured great monologues but never at the expense of the material), duetted with Isaac Hayes and even Elton John. She also switched gears and recorded a country album ("Just a Lil' Bit Country") that wasn't at all bad but which flopped quite badly - bad timing more than anything else. In the 1990s she helped create and tour in a musical (Young Man, Older Woman), which was a real success on the black theatre circuit in the mid 1990s. She also moved to the Ichiban label, and began to blend her gutsy, left of mainstream R&B and soul with elements of rock and pop. You can get a "Best Of" that covers much of Millie's career but in the Primer's view there's too much mediocrity mixed in with the good stuff. Much better to go straight to the ground breaking mid to late 70s material and wallow in the drama - and get to hear a lady way ahead of her time! If you want to catch Millie in a live setting, get the "Live and Uncensored" 2CD set. Funny, entertaining and great material.
  
There is a Best Of but it really isn't the right way to listen to Millie Jackson. You need one of her great song cycles so get "Caught Up" and "Still Caught Up". Just the one? It will have to be "Still Caught Up"
Favourite Album:-
Still Caught Up
Favourite Track:-
Loving Arms
 
 
 
 
 
 

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The blues don't make you poor, the blues don't bring you down. [The] blues is a thing, you get sad, like when things ain't going right... the blues picks you up. Blues is a pick-up, it's not a let-down."---John Lee Hooker

John Lee Hooker is one of the giants of post-World War II blues, on a par with
Muddy Waters, B.B. King, Willie Dixon, Howlin' Wolf, and Lightnin' Hopkins. Known as the father of the boogie, an incessant one-chord exercise in blues intensity and undying rhythm, Hooker's sound is also a study in deep blues. From his guitar come shadowy tones, open tunings, feverish note clusters, and that familiar chugging rhythm that has been his blues signature-all of which hark back to the music' s formative years.

Hooker also owns one of the most distinctive voices in blues. It reaches down deep and comes together slowly and with careful consideration. It' s soaked with sexuality, spiced with arrogance, and contains layers of weathered, bassy textures. Hear John Lee Hooker once and both his voice and his guitar are thereafter unmistakable and unforgettable.

Unlike the other major blues figures of the late 1940s and 1950s who hailed from Chicago, Texas, or Memphis, Hooker made his mark in Detroit and became the Motor City's biggest blues star. He cut nearly as many recordings as Lightnin' Hopkins the artist many blues historians believe to be the most recorded in the music's history. Because Hooker recorded under a number of pseudonyms to escape contractual obligations, his recording catalog is a confusing maze of albums and singles.

Hooker not only was popular with black blues audiences, but in the early '60s he influenced an entire generation of British blues-rockers. Groups such as the Animals (the band had a major hit in 1964 with Hooker's "Boom Boom"), the Rolling Stones,
John Mayall and the Bluesbreakers, and early Fleetwood Mac all borrowed extensively from Hooker. In the U.S., Canned Heat built much of its late-'60s repertoire from Hooker's boogie rhythms. More recently, blues- rockers such as Johnny Winter and George Thorogood have reinterpreted the Hooker boogie, while Bruce Springsteen made "Boom Boom" one of his concert highpoints in the late '80s.

Hooker was born in Clarksdale, Mississippi, and was taught the basics of blues guitar by his stepfather, Will Moore. As a child, Hooker learned to sing in church, and he professed an interest in religious music, particularly gospel, during adolescence. Sometime around age fifteen, Hooker left the Delta and went to Memphis, where he worked as an usher in a Beale Street theater and played his guitar on street corners for spare change. He returned to Mississippi for a short while but left again, this time for Cincinnati, where he sang in such gospel groups as the Fairfield Four and the Big Six.

Hooker moved to Detroit in 1943, hoping to cash in on assembly-line work there during the height of World War II. He wound up a janitor in an automotive plant and played clubs and house parties in Detroit's black neighborhoods. His recording career began in 1948 when he recorded his seminal blues number, "Boogie Chillen." Released on the Modern label, the song introduced Hooker's penchant for hypnotic, one-chord guitar ramblings and his deep, chilling vocals. "Boogie Chillen" was a throwback to prewar country blues and the antithesis of the slick rhythm & blues that filled out the charts in the years immediately following World War II. Incredibly, "Boogie Chillen" made it all the way to number 1 on the R&B charts in early 1949 and today is considered one of the all-time classic songs in the blues treasury.

Hooker recorded extensively between 1949 and 1952. His blues appeared on a variety of labels under a variety of pseudonyms, including Birmingham Sam, Delta John, Texas Slim, Johnny Lee, John Williams, Boogie Man, and John Lee Booker. Modern released Hooker's classic
"Crawlin' Kingsnake"(111 k, 10 sec.) in 1949 and his biggest hit, "I'm in the Mood," in 1951, but other Hooker material surfaced on the Regal, Gone, Staff, and Sensation labels. Despite the name deception, he never changed his sound. Always his guitar work was dark and Delta-laced and deceptively simple in structure Hooker's guitar riffs were also supported by the rhythmic stomping of his feet, which gave many of his songs an increased intensity.

In 1971, Jim Morrison of the Doors recorded a version of Hooker's
"Crawlin' King Snake"(112 k, 10 sec.)

Hooker recorded for Chess from 1952 to about 1954; during this time he also toured with Muddy Waters and performed on his own. As in the past, he continued to record for other labels, despite his Chess connection. Hooker songs appeared on the Gotham, Savoy, and Specialty labels, among others. But the label Hooker was most associated with in the late '50s and early '60s was Vee-Jay Records. Hooker stayed with the label until 1964. Two of Hooker's best-known hits from this period, "Dimples" (1956) and "Boom Boom" (1962) had a profound effect on the British blues scene. Oddly, his influence abroad in the early '60s was stronger than it was in the U.S. where he had returned to a solo acoustic blues style in order to take advantage of the growing folk-blues revival going on in cities like New York and San Francisco and on many college campuses.

Hooker continued to record and perform extensively throughout the 1960s; he was at home in either an acoustic or electric format. He toured England and continental Europe in 1962, and performed at the Newport Folk Festival in 1960 and 1963 and at the Newport Jazz Festival in 1964. He returned to England and tile Continent every year from 1964 to 1969, while back home in the States he played hip rock clubs like The Scene and Electric Circus in New York as more and more rock fans picked up on his blues.

Hooker left Detroit and moved to Oakland in 1970; that same year he cut the album Hooker 'n' Heat with blues-rock group Canned Heat and further solidified his standing with rock audiences. Hooker also continued to make his own records. From the early '70s came Endless Boogie, Never Get Out of These Blues Alive, and Free Beer and Chicken, to name just some of them. Much of the material on these albums was recycled songs or ideas and boogie rhythms that did little else except keep stores stocked with new John Lee Hooker vinyl.

By the late 1970s, Hooker seemed destined to fade into the blues woodwork. His sound had gone stale and interest in the blues was not yet what it would be later in the 1980s. But Hooker hung on, thanks to the continuous reissue of previously recorded material by labels such as Charly, GNP Crescendo, Chameleon, and Chess. In 1980 Hooker was inducted into the Blues Foundation's Hall of Fame.

Hooker's career continued to sag until 1989 when the Chameleon label released The Healer, an album of newly recorded material produced by Hooker's former guitarist Roy Rogers. The Healer included a guest appearance by longtime Hooker fan
Bonnie Raitt, plus other cameos from Carlos Santana, Robert Cray, George Thorogood, and others. To the surprise of Hooker and everyone else, The Healer not only sold better than any other Hooker album had and earned many enthusiastic reviews, but it also won a Grammy Award for best blues recording. Suddenly Hooker was hot. In early 1990 he was inducted into the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame. Later that year he was honored at a special tribute concert in New York' s Madison Square Garden that featured Raitt, Joe Cocker, Huey Lewis, Ry Cooder, Bo Diddley, Mick Fleetwood, Gregg Allman, Al Kooper, Johnny Winter, Willie Dixon, Albert Collins, and others.

Before year's end, Hooker signed with Point Blank/Charisma Records, and for an encore he and Rogers cut Mr. Lucky, which, like its predecessor, was stocked with big-name guests (Collins, Cooder, Cray, Winter, Santana, Van Morrison, John Hammond, Jr., Keith Richards, and others). It, too, registered impressive sales and reviews, although on most tracks Hooker took a backseat to his admirers or else wasn't able to work up enough steam to get his husky vocals out in front of all the layers of instrumentation.

Hooker currently lives outside of Los Angeles. He continues to record and tour, and, with B.B. King, shares the honor of being elder statesman of the blues.

"Crawlin' King Snake" is from John Lee Hooker---The Ultimate Collection: 1948-1990 Copyright © Rino Records Inc., 1991.(originally released in 1949 under the Modern label)


Talkin' Blues Guitar Series
by: LIGHTNING RED

 The Boogiemen

Lightning Red and his series on the origins of the modern electric blues, and the techniques and hardware used by the legends to get their unique sounds.

In this installment I would like to feature the great guitarists who invented and who build upon that elusive musical genre we call Boogie. Rather than attempt to trace the origins of this hypnotic sound, we will look at those artists responsible for popularizing the "modern" or "urban," electric form of the Boogie. I hope you enjoy it and please return next time to read about the great, modern Slide players, their guitars and techniques.

John Lee Hooker

John Lee Hooker nearly single-handedly invented the style of blues guitar that we call "The Boogie." I sincerely wish that this style of music were as easy for me to describe as it is for me to play. I'll take a stab at it: an easy- rolling repetitive rhythmic phrase that puts the listener into a slight hypnotic state -- a fat, chugging lick that charges on nearly endlessly. A continual pulsation, the soul's heartbeat. Well, that's the best I could do.

However, I know that once you've experienced the Boogie it will never be erased from your consciousness. It has a way of becoming firmly attached, as it did when helping a young John Lee through long hours of pushing a broom at a General Motors plant near Detroit in the mid 1940's.

But if you're still not sure what I'm talking about, let me provide another, more technical explanation: You are in the Key of A, in an endlessly repeating series of two measure phrases you'd play six beats on the dominant (or root) chord which in this case is A. On the seventh beat you'd hit the minor third chord which is C, and you'd hit the fourth interval chord, D, on the eighth beat. Simple? You'd think so. But it takes a special skill and numerous hours of intense concentration and practice to master this art form.

The roots of boogie can be heard just below the surface in the songs of a number of early, acoustic blues guitar players Mississippi Fred McDowell and Bukka White, to name but a few, but it was the young Michigander from Clarksdale, Mississippi who laid the foundation for this modern, electrified musical genre. Usually tuning to an open G chord (low D, G, D, G, B, high D), John Lee began pumping his way toward stardom and recorded "Boogie Chillin" in 1948 for Modern Records. His guitar of preference has always been a thin-line Gibson hollow bodied model, usually his favorite ES-335, a 345 or a similarly designed Kay model.

A little history ala his booking agency, The Rosebud Agency:

"Born near Clarksdale, Mississippi on August 22, 1917 to a sharecropper family, Hooker's earliest musical influence came from his stepfather, Will Moore. By the early 1940s, Hooker had moved to Detroit. Among his first recordings 1948, "Boogie Chillen" became a number-one jukebox hit and his first million-seller. This was soon followed by an even bigger hit with "I'm In The Mood" and other classic recordings including "Crawling Kingsnake" and "Hobo Blues." Another surge in his career took place with the release of more than 100 songs on Vee Jay Records during the 1950s and 1960s.

When the young bohemian audiences of the 1960s "discovered" Hooker along with other blues originators, he and various others made a brief return to folk blues. Young British artists such as the Animals, John Mayall, and the Yardbirds introduced Hooker's sound to a new and eager audience whose admiration and influence helped build Hooker to superstar status in mid '60s England. By 1970, he had moved to California and began working with rock musicians, notably Van Morrison and Canned Heat. Canned Heat modeled their sound after Hooker's boogie and collaborated on several albums and tours.

During the 1970s and much of the 1980s, Hooker toured the U. S. and Europe steadily but grew disenchanted with recording, though his appearance in The Blues Brothers movie resulted in a heightened profile. Then, in 1989, The Healer was released to critical acclaim and sales in excess of a million copies. Today, the "King Of The Boogie" is enjoying the most successful period of his extensive career. In the past seven years, Hooker's influence has contributed to a booming interest in the blues and, notably, its acceptance by the music industry as a commercially viable entity.

Hooker's career has been a series of highlights and special events since the release of The Healer. In addition to recording his own albums Mr. Lucky, Boom Boom, Chill Out, and now Don't Look Back for Pointblank, he contributed to recordings by B. B. King, Branford Marsalis and Van Morrison and portrayed the title role in Pete Townshend's epic, The Iron Man...

John Lee was invited to perform with The Rolling Stones and guest Eric Clapton for their national television broadcast during The Stones' 1989 Steel Wheels tour. In 1990, many musical guests paid tribute to John Lee Hooker with a performance at Madison Square garden. Joining him on some or all of these occasions were artists such as Bonnie Raitt, Ry Cooder, Joe Cocker, Huey Lewis, Carlos Santana, Robert Cray, Mick Fleetwood, Al Kooper, Johnny Winter, John Hammond, Johnnie Johnson, and the late Albert Collins. Hooker's 1991 induction into the Rock n' Roll Hall Of Fame was fitting for the man who has influenced countless fans and musicians who have in turn influenced many more. The 'South Bank Show' documentary on John Lee continues to air in the U. S. and offers an overview of his amazing life from runaway sharecropper's son to a world-famous legend whose music has been a major influence on modern rock n' roll."

John Lee's style has always been unique, even among other performers of the real deep blues, few of whom remain with us today. While retaining that foundation, he has simultaneously broken new ground musically and commercially...

When I reflect on the long, illustrious career of Mr. John Lee Hooker, one memory always appears before my mind's eye. At Clifford Antone's Club on Guadalupe Street in Austin Texas, a solitary bluesman sits above us on the stage while the usually chaotic, boisterous dance floor is now occupied by mesmerized, polite, quiet music lovers who remain seated like numerous Buddhas. And as he begins performing, sitting with an ES-335 thin-bodied Gibson in his lap, that hunting, signature voice floats above the silent crowd. Every word, every breath, every subtle guitar lick dominates the room.

Never have I ever seen this club transformed into such an intense listening experience. Song after song flows through the evening, and with each note the audience is drawn more tightly into the web spun by this giant of the blues - the main BOOGIEMAN. The God of boogie guitar. Never have I been touched so deeply by a performance. The band struggles to follow his chord changes, hangs on his every syllable. He is the MAN.

Spending quality rehearsal time with this deceptively simple style of blues is essential for the beginning or intermediate guitarist. Although John Lee never bends a string (something I will cover in depth in a subsequent installment) or uses intricate phrasings, it has always been my experience that those licks or musical stylings that sound so "easy" to play can prove to be the most difficult. I've often been told that I'm the master of writing things that flow smoothly right by the listener, but are actually a nightmare for most musicians to grab onto. Maybe those countless hours perfecting this "simple" musical form is the culprit.

I must say I've heard a number of respected heavy metal or hard rock artists mangle this magical musical form pretty severely. Perhaps its because they've only captured a vague notion of what the boogie is all about. Or, maybe its because they don't really respect the blues and haven't put in the time to actually "feel" the music. I don't know, but I do know that if you want to be a serious blues guitarist, you will study the boogie until your fingers bleed and your brain convulses to the beat long after the recording has ended. To my mind the boogie is not just a form of the blues. It is Detroit, Chicago and Cincinnati all rolled into one; the eternal pulsations of the rust-belt foundries and factories that echoes from the past and propels every bluesman's heart toward an unforeseen future.

 

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